How many overpasses are there in Surat?

Biblical Worlds: Festschrift for Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday. Edited by: Zwickel, Wolfgang


1 Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich Year: 1993 Biblical Worlds: Festschrift for Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday Edited by: Zwickel, Wolfgang Abstract: The Festschrift is Prof. Dr. Dedicated to Martin Metzger, Professor of Old Testament and Biblical Archeology at Christian-Albrechts-Universität in Kiel, on the occasion of his 65th birthday. In the anthology, according to the broad exegetical, religious and archaeological field of interest of the jubilee, there are contributions to the archeology of Syria-Palestine (by R. Hachmann and J. Jeremias), to the historical topography (by E. Noort), to the cult history (by W . Zwickel), on psalms (by K. Seybold) and prophets research (by WH Schmidt, OH Steck and A. Neuwirth), on law (by E. Otto), on the Targum (by K. Koch) and on the creation account (by U. Rüterswörden and G. Warmuth). A sermon by J. Scharfenberg rounds off the book in honor of the enthusiastic and enthusiastic preacher and university teacher. Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: Published Version Originally published at: Biblical Worlds: Festschrift for Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday. Edited by: Zwickel, Wolfgang (1993). Freiburg, Switzerland / Göttingen, Germany: Universitätsverlag / Vandenhoeck Ruprecht.

2 Biblical Worlds Festschrift for Martin Metzger

3 ORBIS BIBLICUS ET ORIENTALIS On behalf of the Biblical Institute of the University of Friborg Switzerland, the Seminar for Contemporary Biblical History of the University of Münster i. W. and the Swiss Society for Oriental Classical Studies edited by Othmar Keel with the collaboration of Erich Zenger and Albert de Pury

4 Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 123 Biblical Worlds Festschrift for Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday Edited by Wolfgang Zwickel University Press Freiburg Switzerland Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Göttingen

5 The German Library - CIP standard recording Biblical Worlds: Festschrift for Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday / Ed. By Wolfgang Zwickel. - Friborg, Switzerland: Univ.-Verl .; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1993 (Orbis biblicus et orientalis; 123) ISBN (Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht) ISBN (Univ.-Verl.) NE: Zwickel Wolfgang (Ed.); Metzger, Martin: Festschrift; GT The print templates were made available by the author as reproducible documents. 1993 by Universitätsverlag Freiburg Switzerland Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Göttingen Paulusdruckerei Freiburg Switzerland ISBN (university publisher) ISBN (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht) Digitized by Florian Lippke, Department of Biblical Studies, University of Friborg Switzerland

6 Biblical Worlds With the articles in this commemorative publication, friends and colleagues greet Martin Metzger on his 65th birthday on The title of this book is reminiscent of a work by his teacher Martin Noth: The World of the Old Testament. Martin Noth wanted to introduce the specialist colleagues and students to all those border areas, knowledge of which may be necessary for a proper interpretation of Old Testament texts, but which hardly any individual overlooks in its abundance. Like hardly any of his colleagues, Martin Metzger has taken this diversity of Old Testament research into account in his research and teaching, and in some cases even continued it. In his publications, in addition to purely Old Testament topics, he deals with the texts and, above all, the imagery of the entire Middle East. What interests him about the small seal images is not only the realia depicted there; rather, he understands it as a testimony to the religion and culture of a country or an era. He worked as an excavator in Lebanon for around twenty years. The excavations in the temple area in Tell Kamid el-loz in southern Lebanon are closely linked to his name. When all three volumes of the publication on the temple area are published, this excavation will occupy a prominent position in the cult history of the Middle East because of its thoroughness and accuracy. The first volume, which has now been published, already shows the accuracy with which Martin Metzger is proceeding not only with the excavation but also with the publication. The second volume is in print, the third will follow in a while. Anyone who wants to grasp the breadth of Martin Metzger's interests must not only focus on his publications. He is certainly less a man of books than of the word. In the last few years I got to know several of his former students, who said that today, after many years, they can mainly remember his events. Martin Metzger never had a large number of doctoral students around him, but he is one of the most popular teachers at the Kiel faculty. This also applied to his previous places of activity, the theological seminar of the Federation of Evangelical Free Churches in Hamburg-Horn and the

7 Biblical Worlds Theological Faculty in Hamburg. For years he has also been invited to teach at Dormition Abbey in Jerusalem every summer. The highlight of each summer semester were the excursions, which regularly took one week to Hildesheim, Berlin, London or Paris. Students were always impressed by his perseverance, with which he was able to present the collections, even to bring them to life, all day with only a short lunch break. His lectures also dealt regularly with the entire Um ".Yelt of the Old Testament. For example, lectures lasting several semesters were offered on Egypt, Mesopotamia and the Hittites as well as on daily life in Israel, as well as special lectures on the archeology of Palestine. Martin Metzger's teaching activities, however, went far beyond that With his archaeological and exegetical knowledge he is a sought-after speaker of the university society. Often two or three times a week he gives lectures all over Schleswig-Holstein and thus contributes significantly to the connection between the university and the population His most important aids are slides with which he brings the world of the ancient Orient to the halls of Schleswig-Holstein. Coupled with his lively style of free speech, these lectures have impressed many listeners. But there is also another area where he regularly leaves the Kathed he. He can be heard several times every semester on the church pulpits in Kiel. Since he used to be a pastor himself in Cologne, this is a matter of course for him. Not only can exegetical lectures be given on Old and New Testament texts, they must also be preached. In his sermons, which are not always very short, he succeeds in pulling his listeners under the spell of the biblical message. For many, his sermons are a vivid example of how critical exegesis on the one hand and deep piety on the other. With all this, Martin Metzger is not a stranger to life. The excursions to Berlin, London and Paris were also an opportunity for him to experience cultural delights. Every evening was filled with theater or concerts. His knowledge in this area never ceases to amaze. Art in any form is a part of his life, and in art he finds a balance to the strenuous work at his desk. Martin Metzger is a humble and reserved person. So it is not surprising that he is a valued and popular colleague. This does not only apply to the field of Protestant theology; he also has numerous friends in the Catholic Church. How highly respected he is was shown to me in the inquiries for this

8 Biblical Worlds Festschrift. Almost everyone agreed. The stereotypical answer was always: "Actually I don't have time, but I would like to write something for Martin Metzger". Due to illness, however, 0. Kaiser and S. Mittmann had to withdraw their commitment afterwards, a statement by B. Janowski will appear in ZA W 105 (1993). 0. Keel kindly immediately agreed to have this volume appear in the 0B0 series and regrets not being able to write his own article due to too much time. So that the volume does not become too extensive, only a small group of authors could be addressed. Since some of the contributions were completed in 1991, it was no longer possible to deal with more recent articles. The abbreviations follow IATG and (in addition) the New Bible Lexicon (NBL). Well-known printing subsidies from the North Elbian Evangelical Lutheran Church, the Federation of Evangelical Free Churches, the Schleswig-Holstein University Society and the Savings Banks and Giro Association for Schleswig-Holstein made the printing possible. The artwork was kindly provided by Ms. Christei Haller. The employees of this commemorative publication wish Martin Metzger continued strength and health for the years to come. Kiel, in August 1992 Wolfgang Zwickel

9 Table of contents Rolf Hachmann: Kumid.i and Byblos. Late Bronze Age royal tombs in the coastal area east of the Mediterranean Sea 1 Jö "rg Jeremias: Throne or Chariot? An extraordinary terracotta from the late Iron Age in Juda 41 Klaus Koch: The apocalyptic song of the professor Hanna 1 Sam 2,1-10 in Targum 61 Angelika Neuwirth: Der historical Muhammad in the mirror of the Koran - prophet type between seer and poet? 83 Edward Noort, Joshua 24,28-31, Judges 2,6-9 and the Joshua Tomb. Thoughts on a street sign 109 Eckart Otto: The restriction of private criminal law by public punishment right in the editing of paragraphs 1-24 of the Central Assyrian Codex A (KA V 1) 131 Udo Rüterswörden / Georg Warmuth: Is n'tm4: 7 ::: l to be vocalized with an article? 167 Joachim Scharfenberg: Sermon on Numbers 11.4-34 Pentecost 1989 Kiel University Church 177

10 Werner H. Schmidt: Jeremiah's calling. Aspects of the narrative Jer 1,4-9 and open questions of the interpretation 183 Klaus Seybold: Psalm 141. A new approach 199 Odil Hannes Steck. The self-updating "Isaiah" in Isa 56,9-59,21 Wolfgang Zwickel: On the early history of the burnt offering in Israel

11 Kumidi and Byblos Late Bronze Age royal tombs in the coastal area east of the Mediterranean Rolf Hachmann In the years 1974 to 1975 and 1976 interrupted by the Lebanese civil war - a complex of buildings was excavated in Kämid el-loz, the Kumidi of the Amama period1, east of the Bronze Age palace complex was unusually rich in valuable finds. In the course of the evaluation of the findings and finds, it became clear that it was a grave monument belonging to the family of the local city king. A grown man - possibly the king himself - and two girls were buried in it. The publication of the find & and the findings and their interpretation3 is now available. Although the excavators would have liked to be able to observe even more closely and document them in more detail, despite the unfavorable political and military situation in Lebanon, it was possible to devote a great deal of care to the investigation of this royal tomb. In particular, all small finds and fragments of them could be measured three-dimensionally, and far-reaching information about the use of the space of the tomb and the function of the objects could be obtained from the finds. In antiquity, Kumidi was certainly not one of the most important cities in the Syrian-Palestinian region. Until the Amama period it was the seat of a city king, who may also have commanded the surrounding area. In the Amama period it became the capital of one of the 1 Cf. the literature compilation in: M. Metzger, KAmid el-Löz 7. The late Bronze Age temples. Stratigraphy, architecture and installations (Saarbrücker contributions to antiquity [= SBA] 35; Bonn 1991), 223ff. 2 R. Miron, Kämid el-löz 10. The 'treasure house' in the palace area. The finds (SBA 46; Bonn 1990). 3 W. Adler, Kämid el-loz 11. The 'treasure house' in the palace area. The findings and their interpretation (SBA 47; Bonn 1993).

12 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos Egyptian "provinces" in Asia. At that time there was no longer a king. The Pharaoh made the city the seat of a Rabi ~ u, a kind of envoy with the far-reaching powers of a governor. The royal tomb of Kumidi therefore dates before the Amama period. According to the importance of the settlement, the grave is rather provincial with its architectural effort and only exceptional in its accessories - but maybe only because other royal tombs in the area east of the Mediterranean have been plundered before the excavation or because they have not been looted have been excavated with sufficient expertise or care. In spite of its provincial layout, this grave provides various clues that can be used to better understand other graves. This applies above all to the royal tombs of Byblos4, Megiddo5 and Alalach6 It cannot be overlooked, however, that the tombs of these three cities provide some additional information for understanding the construction of the tomb of Kumidi. The graves of these four sites give the impression of clear influences on the part of Egyptian tomb architecture. This is not surprising in view of the numerous Egyptian or Egyptian finds that were found there. It is known that Byblos had close ties with Egypt from an early age. When Egyptian power penetrated into Asia and Egyptian influence reached as far as Syria, there must have been effects on the culture, especially of the rulers. Because of the wealth of its gifts, the royal tomb of Kumidi is a particularly outstanding example of this. It seems appealing to investigate the Egyptian influences on grave architecture and the cult of the dead. 1. The royal grave of Kumidi The grave monument is located a little north of the middle of the settlement hill, east of the palace (Fig. 1). His stratigraphic 4 P. Montet, Byblos et l'egypte. Quatre campagnes de fouilles a Gebeil (Paris 1928). 5 Cf. G. Loud, Tue Megiddo Ivories (OIP 52; Chicago 1939), 3ff. Fig. 1-8; ders., Megiddo II. Seasons of (OIP 42; Chicago 1948), 29ff. Fig & 384; A. Kempinski, Megiddo. A City-State and Royal Center in North Israel (materials for general and comparative archeology 40; Munich 1989), 71f. Plan 9. 6 author has to thank Rudolf Echt and Wolfgang Adler, both Saarbrücken, for the information about the graves of Megiddo and Alalach and for many stimulating and further discussions on the subject of "royal graves". 2

13 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblo's position results from the definition of the building layers of the workshop site to the east7 and the palace further to the west. It belongs to the P48 construction layer. During the P5 construction phase, the terrain clearly sloped from south to north; The difference in level was probably absorbed by a step about 1 m high, which was supported by a strong wall. For the construction of the tomb, the excavation was carried out very deeply, so that the foundation stones in the south were at least 1.90 m below the old surface. Fig. 1: The 'treasure house' of Kumidi; to the west of it the palace of the building layer P4 and adjoining it the city wall; east of the 'treasure house' the workshop area. 7 See B. Frisch, G. Mansfeld and W.-R. Thiele, Kämid el-löz 6. The workshops of the late Bronze Age palaces (SBA 33; Bonn 1985). 8 Cf. R. Echt, Kämid el-löz 5. The Stratigraphy (SBA 34; Bonn 1984), 16lff. 3

14 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos before they came to rest. In the north, because of the gradient, they only need to be deepened slightly into the ground. During the excavation work, masonry and installations of the P5 building layer were largely removed; sometimes they were simply built over. The entire height of the building was erected from the rubble stones typical of all buildings in Kämid el-Löz, which were laid in clay mortar (Fig. 2). It differs from the construction of other buildings in -----: A. 1:

15 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli and Byblos Kämid e l-loz, whose structures consist entirely of rubble stones at the bottom and have rising masonry made of adobe bricks. The walls of the grave complex are 0.80 to O, W cm thick. The main rooms of the grave monument are the two adjacent rectangular rooms S and T with their narrow sides. Both are almost the same size and measure approximately 4.70 x 4.30 m, and their walls are plastered with lime mortar. The plaster has been repaired several times. The floor is covered with a thick clay screed, which is lined with small stones and rises slightly towards the walls. Rooms S and T were covered with a plank ceiling, which was about 1.90 m above the floor and should also have been plastered9. A large part of room T is made up of a 1.50 m deep basin with internal dimensions of 2.30 x 1.00 m, the walls of which are lined with stones. It must have previously been closed with a wooden lid. The narrow corridor R / U is in front of rooms S and T to the west.It measures about 5.80 x 1.40 m, has the same height as rooms S and T and is connected to them by two passages that could be locked with doors. The walls were plastered - the floor was a simple clay screed. From the R / U corridor, a step-shaped ledge led to the broad rectangular room Q, about 0.25 m higher, which measures 2.30 x 2.80 m. There must have been a door between these two rooms too, because there were hinge stones here. Room Q must have had a beam floor at times. Slightly below the floor, the north wall of room Q had a small rectangular opening, to which an irregular semicircle was built in front of a brick shaft on the outside. None of the rooms of the tomb monument has a window opening or a door to the outside. You had to enter it from above and it had to be artificially lit. Its north wall in the area of ​​room S had two wall sections, each about 2.80 m long, but at different heights, set in front of them at right angles. The western of the two stumps of the wall has been preserved higher. In all likelihood, both walls served as substructures for a wooden staircase or ramp that must have led from the east along the north wall of the grave monument towards the roof of room Q. This means that the building could be entered from above via room Q. This must have had an opening in its ceiling that was so wide that a person could easily slip through. Inside room Q there must be a very steep wooden staircase or a wooden one 9 R. Hachmann, in: R. Miron, Kämid el-löz 10, 28.5

16 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli and Byblos found a ladder that could be used to descend into the actual burial chamber. The ceiling of rooms S, T and R / U may have formed the roof of the grave monument at the same time. There are no indications that the grave complex had a second floor with a mud brick wall. However, in the filling of the rooms with loamy material, one could see remnants of alluvial and fallen mud bricks from an upper floor of the building. According to the experiences in Kamid el-Löz, such a fall should have contained clearly recognizable remains of bricks here and there. However, the filling of the rooms was remarkably amorphous. It is therefore more likely that the grave monument not only had the usual clay-coated roof, but was also covered with a thick layer of clay to match the level south of the building, which tapered towards the north. The fact that the burial chamber was obviously intended as an underground facility that should only be entered from above speaks in favor of such a cover. Seen from the north, it must have looked that way. The entrance to the grave monument through room Q may have been closed at the top by a trap door; but it can also - and this seems more probable - have been built over by a room made of mud-brick technology, which would then have to have been the size of room Q. This "upper floor" of room Q should have had an entrance in its east wall through which one could enter the building - coming from the stairs or the ramp. There are no building remains that indicate the existence of such an "upper floor". The three dead are distributed in rooms S and T. In room S, a girl was stretched out along the east wall. The other two dead must have been buried in room T. However, the original position of their bodies can no longer be precisely determined, because both skeletons were disturbed occasionally when the chamber was inspected at a later date. The distribution of the finds added to the dead among the four rooms of the grave monument clearly shows the special importance of rooms S and T, because only in them were personal items of equipment found. In the room R / U there were mostly clay vessels - amphorae, bowls, bowls - distributed over several groups of finds, which most likely contained food. To the south of the room there must have been a wooden box or cupboard decorated with bone trimmings. Room Q is noticeable because it contained a greater number of oil lamps than the other rooms (Fig. 3). If you wanted to enter the grave complex occasionally for a new burial - or for other reasons - you needed light. With the lamp lit one may go down to room Q- 6

17 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos 10/0 at least 3/4 preserved Q fragment 0 3m Fig. 3: The distribution of clay lamps within the 'treasure house' of Kumidi (after W. Adler). and then you entered room R / U and rooms S or T with the lamp. After the end of the funeral ceremony, the lamps were probably partly deposited in room Q, and they stayed there. The royal tomb of Kumidi is not a complex that made a monumental impression. Their meaning must be sought above all in cult measures, which must have been ceremonial. It must be seen as particularly noteworthy that anyone who wanted to enter the grave complex could not go the simplest way in principle, the one through a door directly into the grave chambers. Such a regulation undoubtedly also applied to the deceased. 7th

18 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos The rooms R / U and Q preceded the direct access to the grave rooms, and before it could be spent in the latter, it first had to go up via the ramp - or stairs - to the "upper floor" of room Q. be worn. Without a doubt, each of the vestibules - as well as the way up the ramp - will have had a special meaning. Upstream of the grave rooms there was also an installation on the north wall of room Q, which apparently served libations that could be performed there in such a way that the poured out liquid reached room Q without entering it. Room Q must therefore have had at least a double function. The basin in room T was probably not used to hold a corpse, at any rate it was not used for this purpose. It should actually have had a special function in connection with the dead - or one of them - which, due to the lack of significant findings, cannot easily be determined. To the east of the grave monument - separated by an old wall - was the workshop area10; to the south of it the terrain rose moderately11 and to the west of it was the palace complex. The tomb was not accessible from these directions. One can therefore assume that there was still a kind of forecourt to the north of this, from which, however, only a narrow southern strip has so far been excavated, which gives no information about the character of the entire courtyard. A deep, brick-lined pit shows that all kinds of cultic measures were carried out there. There are no traces of the fact that the courtyard was "cut out" like a temenos from the mundane surroundings; Nevertheless, such an enclosure may have existed, which separated a forecourt of the tomb, where the preparations for the actual burial were made. lo G. Mansfeld, in: B. Frisch, G. Mansfeld and W.-R. Thiele, Kämid el-löz 6, 32ff. Taf Since there were certainly other royal tombs in Kumidi, the thought that such a grave was further south cannot be completely dismissed. The two staircases next to each other in the palace made sense if one saw the exit to a burial chamber further east in the southern of the two. - Cf. R. Hachmann, The Palace of a Syrian Little King of the Late Bronze Age in Kämid el-Löz, in: D. Papenfuß / V.M. Strocka (Ed.), Palast und Hütte (Mainz 1982), 26f. Fig. 4. 8

19 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos 2. The tomb of Al; liräm The royal necropolis of Byblos - comprising a total of nine tombs (Fig. 4) - is located on the northern part of a flat-arched rocky dome that rises up to 27 m above the sea. To the north, east 0 25m <.: \ - \ \ _ /; l ~: {V _, ....! 1 ~ 0 ..); - '(:: Y i \ .: ~ 1r1 hm :; ~ - ~ - ,,, "& ~ ~ ~ -'" '' '.' L. "" Tb. \ Lx 'ti ,,' ~ - ~ ~ - '"Fig. 4: General plan of the royal necropolis of Byblos (above) and sections through the grave shafts and chambers (after P. Montet). 9

20 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byb / os 0 0 D Fig. 5: Plan of grave V (above) and view of the south and west walls of the grave shaft (below) (after P. Montet). 10

21 Rolf Hachmann: Cumuli and Byblos and south it slopes gently. To the west, on the other hand, it breaks off steeply to the sea, which has probably existed since the cemetery was built in the early 2nd millennium BC. has eroded considerable parts of the rock, and graves may also have been lost12. The graves lie in a flat arch - grave V in the middle; they were laid out according to a uniform plan and presumably surrounded an important building to the north, east and south-east, of which the excavations, however, have not revealed any remains. The findings in Kämid el Loz now suggest that the palace of the city king was located here. The grave V of this cemetery (Fig. 5) is remarkable because it was the only one to contain three burials, including that of the city king A]: iiram. In 1967 the author mainly dealt with the question of the dating of this grave (grave Vi )13, whereby various questions relating to the construction of the entire grave monument V were touched upon, but others did not need to be addressed because they Chronology have no meaning. The problem of the chronology of the A]: liram grave has hardly been touched on by archeology since then and can today be regarded as solved to the extent that the inadequate observations made during the excavation allow14. At least there is agreement in research that the grave complex to which the A]: liram grave belongs must be the youngest of the burial site. The nine grave monuments of Byblos were excavated between 1922 and 1924 under the direction of P. Montet, i.e. at a time when there was often a great lack of excavation experience15. Despite the long period of time over which they were located, the graves are l2 A sudden rock fall in 1922 led to the discovery of the chamber of the tomb 1. - Cf. Ch. Virolleaud, Decouverte a Byblos d'une hypogee de la douzieme dynastie egyptienne, Syria 3 (1922), 273ff .; P. Montet, Byblos et l 'Egypte (Paris 1928), 17f. 143ff. Plate III R. Hachmann, Das Königsgrab V von Jebeil (Byblos), IM 17 (1967), 93ff. 14 Epigraphic arguments cannot be countered with dating to the late Bronze Age, because in the early days of writing development they are usually so uncertain that they have to be subordinated to those of archeology. - Cf. W. Röllig, Die A \ nrÖm-Insschrift. Comments by an epigrapher on a controversial topic, in: Praestant Interna (Hausmann-Festschrift), (Tübingen 1982), 367ff. 15 Montet's excavation practice and publication technique, even for his time, were remarkably inadequate. The untrained workforce was not adequately monitored. Much was therefore not observed, and in addition some observations were inadequately and incomprehensibly or not at all reported. The image that can be drawn of the burial ritual today suffers from this fact; there is nothing more to be done about it. 11

22 Rolf Hachmann: Kumilii and Byblos distribute, remarkably similarly equipped. It is therefore possible, with the help of conclusions by analogy, to more often come to useful insights where there are gaps in the observations and in the reporting. While the situation in the grave chambers of Montet was relatively well understood and described, the findings in the grave shafts apparently sometimes remained incomprehensible to him or his two preparers16. Even where he has briefly described what he believed he had observed or what was reported to him, the situation often remains opaque. A tangle of walls was found everywhere over the graves. Some of them come from Roman times, some are older, which Montet also recognized in part. However, he paid little attention to them and cleared them away without having provided proper documentation. Montet had the impression that the grave shafts were originally covered with stone packings that protruded beyond the edges of the shafts on the sides. This idea presupposed the assumption that the shafts had been filled after the burials. Several layers of stone had been preserved here and there from the parcels. He said that these stone packings were parts of funerary chapels that served the cult of the dead.17 Larger remains of them, which showed the shape and size of these buildings, but were apparently no longer verifiable, at least not documented by Montet in such a way that they provide information about the original Give shape to the buildings. Remnants of such buildings are definitely traceable for graves I to and probable for graves IV19 and Vl2. Montet mentioned nothing for graves VII and VIIl21 and for grave IX only remnants of such buildings22 and emphasized that the conditions for the preservation of above-ground components in graves VI to IX would have been unfavorable P. Montet, Byblos, 20ff .: " ... M. Collin, soldier in the 17th regiment d'infanterie coloniale, qui se montra, ainsi que le caporal Ortet, du meme regiment, un chef de chantier devoue et actif ". 17 P. Montet, ibid., 144: "Avec ce meme blocage on a constitue tout autour du puits une plate-forme, sur laquelle ont ete posees les fondations de l'edifice qui signalait la tombe a l'exterieur et renformait peut- etre, comme les mastabas egyptiens, des salles decorees ou s'assemblaient les descendants pour rendre un cult au defunt ". 18 P. Montet, ibid., 144ff. (Gr.1-II) 148f. (Size 111). 19 P. Montet, ibid., P. Montet, ibid., 205f. 21 P. Montet, ibid., P. Montet, ibid., P. Montet, ibid.,

23 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos The existence of buildings above the shafts can be accepted as a certain fact. As an Egyptologist, Montet had reliable experience for her type and shape, which it was entirely permissible to bring here in view of the numerous other Egyptian influences that all the graves showed. A massive "burial chapel" makes sense, provided that it can be assumed that the graves were intended for a single burial from the outset. However, this only seems to apply to grave III to a limited extent. Montet says succinctly that the remains of two skeletons were picked up in this grave, but did not provide any information about the location of the dead.24 In this case, a double burial would not be unthinkable. Graves II, VI, VIII and IX, like grave III, did not contain a coffin, but - as Montet stated - only one burial each. Montet also thought of two burials for grave IV, although there was only one coffin: two finger rings under the grave's grave are an indication of two dead; But that is not a good reason25 The shaft of grave I was filled to the top with stones that were packed in mortar.26 This suggests that the grave should be permanently closed after the deceased had been brought into the chamber. The shaft of grave II was also, but only filled with earth27 The shaft of grave III was filled with large stones, which became smaller towards the top, and on top there was a 2 m thick layer of stones laid in mortar28 That is also a sign that the grave was permanently closed after the burial act. The shaft of grave IV was filled to the south to a third with a wide wall; the rest of the shaft was filled with small stones and earth. In grave shaft VI a rock protruded from its eastern wall about 2 m above the floor, which must have narrowed the shaft considerably. Montet did not report much about the backfilling of the shafts in graves VI to IX; evidently the superstructure of the grave shafts had already been removed in antiquity, and the mouth area of ​​the grave shafts was disturbed. 24 P. Montet, ibid., 199: "Au tombeau III on a recueilli les debris de deux squelettes". 25 P. Montet, ibid., 199. Because of the two finger rings he thought of grave IV: "... les rois de Byblos partageaient probablement leur tombeau avec leur femme". 26 P. Montet, ibid., 144: "Un mur assez grossier fermait la chambre du dte du puits, lequel etait entierement rempli jusqu'a l'orifice de pierres noyees dans un mortier fait avec de la cendre". 27 P. Montet, ibid., P. Montet, ibid., P. Montet, ibid., 205f. 13

24 Rolf Hachmann: Kumitii and Byblos Grave V, which contained the Aliiräm sarcophagus, differs from all the other graves of the necropolis in the asymmetrical position of the entrance to the burial chamber, in its irregular oval shape and in the fact that it has three coffins with three burials contained, and also through a different treatment of the grave shaft. M. Dunand had special explanations for this finding: In his deliberations he assumed that the burial chamber was originally smaller, that it was symmetrical to the shaft and that it was later extended to the right for additional burials. However, there are no visible indications for an expansion of the burial chamber. The entrance to the chamber was shifted to the left from the start and shows that it was originally laid out asymmetrically and from the beginning did not have the irregularly square shape of the other burial chambers.It should therefore have been intended for several burials from the outset and thus shows changes in the cult of the dead. However, Dunand also seems to have thought of a fourth, older grave without a coffin or an older burial in the airam coffin30 He wanted to assign to this hypothetical burial everything that could be found outside the coffins in the chamber of objects from the late Bronze Age and found it on the sole of the eye. The idea that the Aliiram coffin has been emptied and used for a new burial is quite improbable and has no real value31, because the rest of the deceased in the grave was never allowed to be disturbed and was never disturbed as long as the official cult of the dead was not given up and the Dead was not forgotten. As a stopgap, one could think of a fourth burial without a coffin, the additions of which had been smashed during the expansion and relocation of the grave complex and some of them were moved into the grave shaft. But this, too, is an unfounded hypothesis, which Dunand actually only resorted to in his endeavor to get rid of arguments for dating the A ~ iram tomb to the late Bronze Age. Traces of a cover for the shaft of grave V are missing. Stones that Montet saw as remnants of it seem to belong to a younger building class32 Of course, this does not rule out the possibility of a burial chapel. 30 M. Dunand, Byblia Grammata. Documents et recherches sur le developpement de l'ecriture eo Phenicie (Etudes et Document d'archeologie; Beyrouth 1945), 197ff. 31 Indeed, the large number of broken vessels lying in the burial chamber and on the bottom of the grave shaft is striking. Their entire inventory has not been preserved, perhaps not even completely recovered during the excavation work; this explains the difficulties that later arose again when trying to reconstruct the individual objects from the broken pieces. 32 P. Montet, Byblos, 215 fig. 98 and plate

25 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos existed above the shaft, nothing of which has survived or the remains of which Montet could not recognize as such. If a possibility for several burials was planned from the outset for the grave complex, there was an imperative requirement for a construction with different details and a different use of the shaft. In fact, both the features of the grave shaft and the way it was backfilled indicate that the funeral ritual was handled differently for this grave. The earth of the grave shaft was very hard in the upper part. As in the shafts of graves III and IV, in the northeast corner of the shaft to grave V there was a kind of vertical tube 2 m long and apparently with a square cross-section33, which was probably intended for libations. The upper part of the view shaft must have been originally filled with a solid layer of medium-sized and small stones, similar to shafts III and IV, which must have been partially removed by grave robbers. While shafts I to IV only contained larger stone packings, smaller stones and earth packed in clay, that of grave V in the upper area was filled with cornice fragments, pieces of marble and a large amount of pottery fragments34 This is certainly material that was left when the Hole of the robbery was filled in or slipped later. A small niche was carved into the western wall about 2.20 m below the mouth of the Sehacht, the function of which remains unclear. At a depth of 4.35 m, there were four similar depressions in each of the west and east walls, in which Montet was still able to identify carbonaceous matter - remains of beams. A single niche was carved into the north wall, but Montet did not give its exact location35. Its function also remains unclear. According to Montet, no more fragments were found in the filler soil below the niches.33 Montet's indication seems to be reliable that immediately 33 Montet gave no measurements for grave V. In grave III the square tube had a diameter of 0.30 m. There is no information about the type of construction and the material of the tubes. Remnants of stones were neither mentioned nor depicted, so that one could think of wooden pipes. - Cf. P. Montet, ibid., 148ff. Fig. 65 and P. Montet, ibid., F. Fig. 99 plate; R. Dussaud, Syria 11 (1930), 179ff. Abb It is no longer noticeable today in the cleared grave shaft. 36 However, it is not certain whether the work was observed so closely that this statement can really be considered binding. - M. Dunand found shards in the niches of the shaft 22 years later and said that they had been deposited there by the workers. Since the excavation of the grave shaft certainly did not take place in precisely measured strata, it is quite uncertain where they come from. You 15

26 Rolf Hachmann: Cumuli and Byblos on the bottom of the window towards the chamber were numerous fragments of alabaster vases. A fragment of an alabaster canopic was carried by Ramses' cartouche. Here there was also a finely crafted ivory relief depicting a bull being attacked by a lion and a griffin.38 From the location of these finds, he concluded that they had been thrown out of the chamber by grave robbers 39 The entrance to the burial chamber was closed by a wall made of rubble stones, some of which had probably been removed by the grave robbers. From the stones that had been cleared away, they had erected a pillar on the edge of the lid of the al) iram coffin, which - as Montet believed40 - should support the ceiling. The burial chamber itself was half filled with younger mud, which had covered the two smaller coffins so completely41 that they only became visible when the chamber was cleared out. The lids of two coffins had been pushed aside, and that of the third had been smashed. In all the coffins the grave robbers had left only the bones. In the burial chamber, however, there were various objects that were likely to have come from the coffins: the fragment of an alabaster plate, two alabaster vessels and three fragments of such, including one with the cartouche of Ramses' Furthermore, two fragments of Mycenaean vessels and two fragments of Cypriot ones were found here milk bowls.43- The little that Montet reported about the findings in the grave shaft or in the burial chamber relates to the situation in the grave complex after the third burial, more precisely to the state after the robbers had robbed the grave. It can be considered certain that they had reached the burial chamber from the bottom of the shaft, because they had broken through the wall of the chamber44 As if they could have been read from the earth, but also fell into the shaft from the edge of the excavation and were picked up. 37 P. Montet, Byblos, f Taf P. Montet, ibid., F. Fig; R. Dussaud, L'art phenicien dune millenaire (Paris 1949), lolf. Fig. 63; C. Decamps de Mertzeofeld, Inventaire commente des ivoires pheniciens (Paris 1954), Taf P. Montet, Byblos, P. Montet, ibid., The larger of the two coffins was 1.70 in height. This must be considered the minimum level of sludge filling. 42 P. Montet, Byblos, 226f. Fig Taf R. Dussaud, Syria 11 (1930), 179ff. Abb Dunand said - unlike Montet - that burial chamber V was not robbed by the grave shaft, but from grave IX. - M. Dunand, Byblia Grammata, 140f.197ff. 16

27 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos entered the chamber, it was not or only a little filled with mud. If Montet did not report anything about mud in the area of ​​the Sehacht sole, one should not conclude anything special. The inundation must have already begun when the grave complex was still in function, and it must have continued continuously up to the present day. However, it is unlikely to have reached a noticeable height after the third burial. When the third burial had taken place, the grave shaft was initially empty. But then it seems to have been filled with "clean" soil. After that, no more mud could seep in. When the grave robbers advanced through the shaft to the burial chamber, the grave complex was probably still recognizable above ground45. In any case, the upper part of the grave shaft was firmly closed, apparently "sealed" after the last burial, whereby the libation tube must also have been built in the northeast corner of the shaft. Since this should have been 2 m long, the layer "sealing" the shaft was at least correspondingly thick. It probably even reached a depth of 4.35 m, where the niches were in the shaft wall and where there must have been a beamed ceiling. Lower down the shaft was filled with earth. According to Montet, there were no more fragments in the filler soil below the niches. However, it is by no means certain whether the work was observed so closely that this statement can really be considered binding. There are no observations about the shaft that the grave robbers dug inside the grave shaft46. This can easily be explained by the manner in which Montet proceeded, also by the inadequate lighting inside the grave shaft, but perhaps also by the fact that the grave robbers had - at least partially - filled their passage with the excavation again47 45 Perhaps the population only remembered that there used to be a burial chapel there. 46 It is not difficult to imagine the work of the grave robbers more vividly. It was a job that was not without risk, required a certain amount of technical effort and a large number of participants, and yet could not be done in a short time. Such an undertaking could not be carried out clandestinely, for the excavated earth that had to be deposited near the mouth of the Sehacht was considerable. The question of how the local dynast reacted, should it have heard of the action, cannot be answered, but it can still be asked. Even when the dynasty changed, members of the older dynasty were likely to have been viewed as 'ancestors' whose peace could not be disturbed. - Considerations of this kind speak for a robbery at the earliest in Hellenistic times. This also made the marble chunks in the manhole backfilling understandable. 47 If they hadn't, the hole would have been a general threat to the city's population, especially children and livestock. The rich 17

28 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byb / os Montet explicitly emphasized that "kypro-geometric" shards were only in the upper part of the shaft48 If the robbers had filled the hole they dug with their excavation, the filling had to be done gradually and the upper part of the shaft had to fall empty. Gradually, the resulting hole could have filled with surface material. From this point of view, Hellenistic-Roman marble and "kypro-geometric" shards provided a terminus a quo or a terminus ante quem for the robbery of the grave. - It could have been like that; but one cannot insist on such an interpretation. Even after the first and second burials - also after that of A ~ iram - the situation in the grave shaft may well have been quite different. At the height of the niches, a beamed ceiling was likely to have been drawn in even then. The inscription on the shaft wall warned unauthorized persons to enter the grave49 There may also have been a beam or plank floor at the level of the mouth of the shaft, provided that the upper part was not filled with earth or small stones after each burial. Only in this way could the burial chapel, which one has to postulate above the Sehacht estuary, be used ritually. Even if the upper part of the shaft were filled with earth, the lower part could have remained empty. In any case, a compelling reason for backfilling is inconceivable. It cannot be ruled out that the burial chamber could be entered through the shaft by ladders by people who were entrusted with cultic measures, if the wall of the burial chamber was opened. Otherwise, the upper layer of the old grave filling would have been washed away in a few years and the tube would hardly have survived. 48 This, however, seems to contradict the fact that an earth bank that Montet is said to have left standing on the Sehachtsole on its south side in 1923, in 1945, when Dunand had the ceramics investigated in it, revealed mainly Iron Age goods in addition to late Bronze Age goods (M. Dunand , Byblia Grammata, 197). In doing so, Dunand probably did not take into account how much earth and shards could have fallen into the shaft in 22 years. 49 Nothing forces one to assume that the inscription must have been visible to every visitor to the tomb, for it had its magical effect through its very existence. However, it was easiest to mount it upright on the beamed ceiling. 50 The question of how the heavy coffins could be carried down into the burial chamber can largely be disregarded here as a technical problem. It's hard to imagine that they were roped off. It would have been easiest if the shaft had been filled with sand before the act of burial and had the coffin lowered by slowly digging up the sand evenly. The 18th

29 Rolf Hachmann: Kumwi and Byblos When it comes to grave cults, the A}: liräm grave - as with the other graves - leaves a lot open and some things will remain open even if one tries to make comparisons with other grave structures. The topic of this article promises a comparison with the "treasure house" of Kumidi. Before that, however, a view to the north and to the south appears. 3. The royal tomb of Alalach Within the palace of the Middle Bronze Age building class VII of Alalach (A1rana) Sir Leonard Woolley found a room 51 which was unusual because of its location and its construction (Fig.6). It seemed so remarkable to him that at first he was convinced that he had come across a royal tomb. His disappointment was great when he encountered four skeletons in the room, but no particular finds, and therefore considered what he had found here to be a founding victim52 It seems good to refrain from interpreting the room for the time being, and it is worthwhile to take a closer look at him and his equipment first. Inside the palace, about 2.30 m deeper than the neighboring rooms on the ground floor, a square shaft was excavated, which was lined with three layers of heavy basalt cuboid (Fig. 7). Above the ashlar masonry there was a layer of quarry stone as a base for an adobe wall53 On the southeast side there was a door, the threshold, soffits and lintel of four basalt blocks. The door itself consisted of a single large stone, was pivoted on hinges, could be opened to the outside and was locked with a bolt that could be inserted into a hole in the threshold. A narrow staircase led down from the ground floor to the door, the eight steps of which were made of beams. Shaft would then have been empty after the end of the burial and could easily have been closed with beams. 5l Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom. Being a Record of the Results Obtained from the Excavations of two Mounds, Atchana and al-mina, in the Turkish Hatay (Melbourne, London, Baltimore 1953), 78f. Fig. 12 plate 5b; ders., Alalakh. An Account of the Excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, (Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 18; Oxford 1955), 95ff. Fig Taf Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 79; ders., Alalakh, 97 note 3 with polemics against C.F.A. Schaeffer, who thought the complex was a grave and compared it to graves in Ras Shamra. 53 Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78 pl. 5b; ders., Alalakh, 95f. Fig. 26 plate 20a. 19th

30 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli and Byblos were standing, lined with stones and clay and carefully plastered with lime. The side walls of the stairwell were made of limestone blocks plastered with clay mortar. Woolley found '- {, / ~' ', 0 Fig. 6: Plan of the palace of the building layer VII of Alal.ach; Grave shaft, stairwell and rooms of the presumed 'burial chapel' highlighted in black (after Sir Leonard Woolley). 20th

31 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli and Byblos the door ajar; But it was blocked from the inside with large, heaped blocks54 In one of the corners of the room there were remains of charred wood, in which animal bones and three alabaster and clay vessels were located55 These showed the effects of fire. Since the floor of the shaft did not show such marks, the fire must have been burning elsewhere. In the south-west corner of the room was a large, rectangular box in which four skeletons lay in such a way that there was a head in each corner, that is, a coffin. The legs lay one above the other in the middle of the coffin56 Fig. 7: North-south section through the grave shaft and the stairwell in the palace of Building Level VII of Alalach (after Sir Leonard Woolley). The excavators found the shaft filled to the top with particularly pure, compacted earth. There was no recognizable floor above it. The stairwell was empty, but it was later filled with mud-brick rubble. It had a ceiling made of boards, on top of which was the clay screed of the first floor. The entrance to the stairwell was carefully walled up57 A new door had broken into the eastern side wall of the stairwell at ground level, and it can be assumed that there was a new entrance at the same height above the basalt entrance door.Woolley suspected that a wooden floor had been laid over the soil in the shaft. Above the shaft and its access there were now two small rooms at ground floor level that were very simply furnished58. Originally, the shaft could have been two stories high. But it is also conceivable that a ceiling was always drawn in at the level of the ground floor. 54 Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78; ders., Alalakh, 96 plate 20b. 55 Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78; ders., Alalakh, 96 plate 21a. 56 Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78; ders., Alalakh, 96 plate 21b. 57 Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78; ders., Alalakh, 97 Fig. Sir Leonard Woolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 78; ders., Alalakh, 97 fig

32 Rolf Hachmann: Kumitli and Byblos Woolley's main argument against the fact that this complex could be a grave - especially a royal grave - was simple: the four skeletons and the stone vessels have nothing royal about them59 The shaft and staircase are for a special one , specially created for ritual purposes and no longer used when they had served their purpose; However, he could not explain this to himself60. The shaft and stairwell were undoubtedly built in one step with the palace. The staircase and shaft obviously fulfill their function - for example to keep a foundation sacrifice - not at the moment of the start of construction or during the course of the construction work; otherwise the stairwell and door to the shaft would not have been necessary. Presumably the shaft remained empty at first after the completion of the palace construction, apparently reserved for a special case that had not yet occurred: the dumping of four dead people with the alabaster and clay vessels. The latter had apparently been exposed to a fire outside the shaft - and probably also outside the palace - in which animals or parts of animals were also burned. After the vessels and the remains of the fire had been deposited in the shaft, the basalt door was closed from the inside by large boulders that had probably been thrown down into the shaft from above. Then the stairway at the level of the first floor was walled up, a new door was broken into the eastern wall of the stairwell and a new floor was put into the stairwell, which made it completely unusable. Then the shaft was filled from above with selected, clean - that is, cultically pure - soil, whereby an installation was set up in the corner of the shaft in which the vessels were that Woolley could not quite understand61. It is possibly a tube made of wood, which 59 Sir Leonard W oolley, A Forgotten Kingdom, 79: "Do ignominious boxed skeletons and the three stone vases bad nothing of royalty about them ...". 60 Sir Leonard Woolley, Alalakh, Sir Leonard Woolley, ibid., 96 reported on the backfilling of the shaft with clean earth and continued: "This we found undisturbed except in the north comer, where there was a pocket of softer soil in which were a few fragments of mud bricks accidentally bumped; the pocket was not deep and bad not disturbed the offerings on the floor in this comer ". As note 2 he added: "One or two pieces of bumt wood found below what seemed to be the bottom of the pocket, fairly close to the floor, were judged to be part of the offering-deposit. We considered the possiblity of a hole having been dug through the filling to floor-level and the vases, & c., having been deposited at the bottom of this hole, which was subsequently filled in again, ie that the deposit belonged to the second phase; but decided that the evidence of the soil seemed to be against this ". 22nd

33 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos did not reach deep into the shaft. Perhaps a floor has now been installed over the lower part of the viewing shaft, i.e. the part that was below the floor level of the first floor. However, Woolley could not find any traces of floor screed. A door he accepted may really have separated the new room above the shaft from the one above the stairwell. The whole catalog of structural and other kinds of measures, which are certainly to be understood as cultic, looks as if a burial chamber was planned in the palace from the outset, which initially remained empty. When four dead were buried, the grave shaft was filled in and permanently sealed. It cannot be entirely ruled out that libations were made from the space above the shaft through the tube suggested by Woolley. The burial of four people in Woolley's mystery chamber remains a mystery. Before the coffin with the four skeletons was discovered, Woolley came across the fragmentary skull of what he thought was a child, directly above it. Woolley did not specify the position of the dead in the coffin. The picture62 speaks rather for a simultaneous laying down of all four corpses, the death of which would then have to have occurred at the same time. The impression that the tomb was sparsely furnished was inevitable for Woolley. He misinterpreted the vestibules in front of the grave shaft - especially rooms 15, 16 and 18 - in their function as domestic rooms, because he had not understood the grave correctly63. He said room 18 was not covered, otherwise rooms 15 and 16 would not have received any light64 Since room 15 was only accessible from room 16, he could hardly get any light from room 1865 More importantly, rooms 15 and 18 contain remarkable installations which in no way induce the acceptance of profane uses, but certainly do not force them to do so. It cannot be denied that all of these rooms had a function in the context of the cult of the dead of those buried in room 17. 62 Sir Leonard Woolley, ibid., Plate 21b. 63 Sir Leonard Wolley, ibid., 95: "On the ground floor rooms 15, 16 and 18 were certainly domestic ... [Room 15] was certainly a washing-place, possibly a bathroom; ...". 64 Sir Leonard Woolley, ibid., 95 plate It is also questionable whether the rooms and windows accessible from room 18 had openings. 23

34 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli und Byblos 4. The royal tomb of Megiddo The "treasury" of Megiddo (Fig. 8) is traditionally assigned to the palace of the VIIA building class66. It is also certain that it existed at the same time as it, but it must be taken into account that it was already built in the VIIB building layer67 For the interpretation of the "treasure house", however, its stratigraphic classification is of secondary importance68 The path led in the VIIA palace from the palace courtyard through a room south of it to room 3185, which was west of the courtyard. A ramp or stairs69 led to the interior of the three-part "treasure house" (Fig.9), which was a separate building opposite the palace70. The building was constructed from rough limestone blocks that were plastered on the inside with clay mortar, but had no facade on the outside71 (Fig. 10). The passages led roughly in the central axis of the building from the southern to the northern room. The walls were about 3 m high and had no windows. Of the numerous finds, the most striking were made of ivory. Almost without exception, they were in the western half of the northern area on or just above the foot of the floor on an area about 9 m 2 in a layer about 0.30 m thick. Animal bones were strewn; Human bones were missing. G. Loud's find report reminds the excavator of Klimid el-Löz of the situation at the beginning of the excavation of the local "treasure house". Perhaps the number of small finds was greater. It is difficult to understand. 66 Cf. G. Loud, Megiddo Ivories, 3ff. Fig. 1-8; G. Loud, Megiddo II, 29ff. Fig & 384; A. Kempinski, Megiddo, 71f. Plan In building layer VIII the area of ​​the 'treasure house' is built on, in building layer VIIB it is undeveloped. The w est walls of Palace VIIB have almost the same course as those of Palace VIIA and have a passage to the west at the level of the entrance to the 'Treasury'. The floor of the 'treasure house' is significantly lower than that of the various rooms in Palace VIIB. Loud pointed out that it was also lower than some of the Tier VIII floors. - Cf. G. Loud, Megiddo II, 34 fig. On the absolute chronology cf. A. Kempinski, Megiddo, G. Loud, Megiddo II, 31: "... aramp or stairs, neither actually found ...". 70 In Palace VIIB one would have had to take the path to the north and would have come to room 3186, which is below room 3185. The difference in level between room 3186 and the 'treasure house' would then have been a little smaller. 71 Cf. G. Loud, Megiddo II, 31: "... its outer walls are simply retaining walls with no true outer faces ..." 24

35 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byb / os 0 50m Fig. 8: Palace and 'treasure house' of the VIIA building layer by Megiddo (after G. Loud and A. Kempinski). 25th

36 Rolf Hachmann: Kumuli and Byblos see everything that was lying there72 The state of preservation of the finds - especially the ivory items - was certainly much worse. It was therefore certainly right for the excavator to concentrate all his work on preserving the most fragile pieces on the spot73 The location of the find was not recorded more precisely. VIIA- 9 10m Fig. 9: East-west section (above) and north-south section (below) through the 'treasure house' of Megiddo (after G. Loud). The excavators were obviously very impressed by the confusion of the finds. They explained that the treasury had been looted. The ivory objects were left lying around as unusable, other items appeared usable and were taken with them74 This explanation makes sense. 72 G. Loud, ibid., 171 probably only lists a selection of the most important finds. You will also have to reckon with numerous broken clay pots, the fragments of which have not been collected and which have therefore not been restored. 73 G. Loud, Megiddo Ivories, 7: "Most of the pieces were in such a fragile state that days of treatment with a thin celluloid solution applied with a fine spray or drop by drop were necessary before they could be removed without danger of irreparable breakage ". 74 G. Loud, ibid., 9: "The jewelry fragments - gold pomegranate beads and flat bellow shaped (comflower?) Ones of carnelian - fit because enough into our picture, as do the fragmentary alabaster jars, some of which bad portions painted with elaborate designs in black and red.Sherds of pottery, all of good normal 13th century Pale- 26

37 Rolf Hachmann: Kumidi and Byblos J); J