How respectable is respectability policy
is Academic Councilor at the Institute for Empirical Cultural Studies and European Ethnology at LMU Munich and is currently working as a Heisenberg fellow of the German Research Foundation at the Institute for European Ethnology at the University of Vienna. [email protected]
The historical review makes it clear: the differentiation of the socially weak population into those who deserve public support and those who have not earned it has just as little to do with social structural features as with an analysis of the contextual conditions in which that individuals need to set up. It is essentially a moral distinction. Whether one slips into the poverty zone or not is therefore a question of honesty or dishonesty, of diligence or laziness, of discipline or indulgence. In a second step, the undeserving poor then assumes certain cultural dispositions: the tendency to insubordination and neglect, to waste and senseless consumption, to bad food and bad television. In the course of the German "lower class debates" in the 2000s, such attributions were sometimes heatedly discussed; we shall come back to this later. First, however, a few highlights will be thrown on the history of perception of the lower classes, on the moralization and exclusion of poverty and unemployment, as can be found in authors of the German Late Enlightenment as well as in Karl Marx, in 19th century British social research as well as in German ones Social reform movements around 1900.
The people and the mobIn order to trace the distinction between a "good" and a "bad" subclass historically, one can go back to the Middle Ages or even to antiquity. At least one should start in the 18th century, when a "discovery of the people" in philosophy and literature can be observed.  At that time, authors such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Johann Gottfried Herder celebrated the naturalness and unsophisticated nature of the "simple people". They did not mean the entirety of the lower bourgeois classes, but an idealized collective that was compatible with their ideas of originality and tradition. "Folk poetry" became a key concept of the German Late Enlightenment and then of Romanticism. According to Herder's idea, the folk song reflected the needs and needs of the common people, albeit only up to a certain limit: "The people are not called the mob from the streets: they never sing or write poetry, they scream and mutilate."  From the elitist distance of the intellectual, friends of the people like Herder determined who belonged to the people and who did not. This "people" was constructed in the field of literature and poetics, it comprised the farming families and perhaps also the day laborers who - for example in the collections of the brothers Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm - served as guarantors of authenticity of old stories and fairy tales, but not those who became impoverished Homeworkers, the wandering traders and the inmates of the poor houses. The folk poetry concept thus made its own contribution to the moralization of the lower classes by distinguishing a "pure" and "real" part of the population at risk of poverty from another who was not culturally capable, who did not sing and poetry, but "screamed" and mutilated ". To put it bluntly: the romantic-nostalgic enthusiasm for the common people could only be established at the price of disqualifying the "rabble" and its raw forms of expression.
As the literary scholar Michael Gamper has pointed out, the dichotomous view of the lower classes also served during the French Revolution to constitute a democratic collective without having to involve the poor population in the formation of political opinions: "In particular, the commentaries on the Paris events It is clear that the philosophical and legislative efforts of the 18th century, which wanted the population to participate in forms of exercise of power, implied a discursive division of the population: a voting and electoral population had to be conceived, but its political legitimacy the elimination of the unreliable elements, the 'rabble', etc. 'Good people' vs. 'bad rabble' became a fundamental dualism of revolutionary reporting, which drastically showed an immanent problematic of the Enlightenment theory of the state. "[ 5] Here it becomes clear that the Definiti on of the "people" always had democratic-theoretical implications. And so the history of democracy up to the introduction of universal and equal suffrage for men and women is at the same time a history of different variants of inclusion and exclusion: Who is excluded from the concept of the "people" - and on what grounds?
The "people" and the "rabble": This contrast dominated the public discourse on the lower classes in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Old patterns continued to have an effect: Although the poor welfare of the church generally regarded the poor as a natural part of a God-given corporate social order, since the late Middle Ages they have made a distinction between "worthy" and "unworthy" poor.  In the course of industrialization, state social policy adopted this differentiation and separated "innocent" from "indebted" poverty. The central criterion of this differentiation was wage labor, which formed the reference system for poor policy.  Modeled in part on the Poor Law Amendment Act passed in England in 1834, on which the categories deserving poor and undeserving poor decline, new welfare and welfare systems have been installed in almost all German states, and benefits for those "in debt" in need have been linked to hard work in workhouses. The main aim of these reforms was to lower the skyrocketing cost of public welfare - but above all, they produced an image of the poor who were responsible for their own situation. Increasingly, poverty was now the result of personal misconduct. To be poor essentially meant not doing any wage labor, which was associated with the attribution of social and moral deficits. A border line ran right through the lower social classes, which differentiated "respectable" and "non-respectable" existences from one another. The historian Geoffrey Best wrote in relation to the English poor welfare of the 19th century: "Here was the sharpest of all lines of social division, between those who were and those who were not respectable; a sharper line by far than that between rich and poor, employer and employee, or capitalist and proletarian. "
- Can I travel with an empty suitcase?
- What is a large penis size
- Runs healthy while preparing for UPSC
- Why does sweat smell different in certain periods of time?
- Where can I spend some time alone
- Do you miss your school life
- Does life get boring after 20
- Forget Japanese Kanji
- Will the economy recover?
- Is food from China safe to eat
- What is the government wasting money on?
- Why are aphorisms evil
- Is the English accent perfect in Hong Kong
- What TV series have great storylines
- What's your favorite breakfast in Egypt
- When is mold dangerous?
- What Bible does the Muslim read?
- Can I do two degrees at the same time
- What if you peed while having anal sex
- What do you want to read
- When should you report a professor?
- What is the standard deduction of 40,000
- Why is the sea in Norway black
- Removing a mole causes cancer