What is the female counterpart to Lad
Gender-specific personal names: German - English contrasting
Table of Contents
List of abbreviations
0. Initiation and procedure of the investigation
1. Possibilities of sex differentiation in German compared to English
1.1. Options of the lexicon
1.1.1. Personal designations in music
1.1.2. Kinship terms
1.1.3. Other gender words
1.2. Opportunities for word formation
188.8.131.52. The masculine innovation in German
184.108.40.206. The masculine innovation in English
220.127.116.11. Feminine renovation in German
18.104.22.168.1. The -in derivation
22.214.171.124.1.1. The bases of the -in derivative
126.96.36.199.1.2. Excluded basic types
188.8.131.52.2. Other derivative suffixes
184.108.40.206. Feminine innovation in English
1.2.2. Composition or compounding with sex-differentiating nouns or pronouns
220.127.116.11. Composition with sex-differentiating nouns or pronouns in German
18.104.22.168. Compounding with sex-differentiating nouns or pronouns in English
1.3. Possibilities of syntax
1.3.1. Articles and article-like pronouns
1.3.2. Sexual differentiating adjectives
1.3.3. Apposition of forms of address
1.3.4. Sexual Differentiating Pronouns in Context
1.4. Avoidance of sex-differentiating personal names
1.4.3. Foreign words as personal designations in German
1.4.4. Non-sex-differentiating personal names
2. Research results
2.1.1. Terms in music
2.1.3. Gender words
2.1.4. Lexicon total
2.2.1. Derivative morpheme -eur
2.2.2. Derivative morpheme -ant / d, -ent / d
2.2.3. Derivative morpheme -ast
2.2.4. Derivative morpheme -is
2.2.5. Derivative morpheme -or
2.2.6. Derivative morpheme -e
2.2.7. Derivative morphemic
2.2.8. Derivative morphologist
2.2.9. Derivative morpheme -er land
2.2.10. Derivative morphem -er
2.2.11. Rest (motion)
2.3. Use of Moving Suffixes
2.3.1. Masculine movement suffixes
2.3.2. Feminine movement suffixes
2.5. Foreign words
2.6. Avoidance of sexually differentiating personal names
2.6.1. Metonymous head - help - strength - board / abstract / collective
2.6.2. Non-sexually differentiating personal names
2.7. Overall result
3. Appendix 1: List of examples
3.1. Research year 1972
3.2. Research year 1977
3.3. Research year 1982
3.4. Investigation year 1987
3.5. Research year 1992
4. Appendix 2
Title headings 1972
Title headings 1977
Title headings 1982
Title headings 1987
Title headings 1992
I became aware of the problem of sexual differentiation in the German language through a work on German movement that I wrote in the context of a seminar in the winter of 1990. All the more so since it became clear during my studies of the English language that in English, certainly due to the lack of a grammatical gender, which assigns personal designations to a masculine or feminine article (such as in German) or assigns them to masculine or feminine inflection classes (such as e.g. in Latin), and furthermore due to the extremely low use of moveable suffixes, this problem is only very limited or sometimes not at all. I am talking about the problem that arises on the one hand from the discrepancy between the frequency of the actual use of gender-abstracting language elements such as movement suffixes, gender-specific lexemes, compound words or syntagms in the real everyday life of a German-speaking person and the rather low importance of these linguistic ones Elements in the research literature, especially in the grammars, is attributed, and on the other hand results from the general recognition of the masculine as masculine and the necessity of a feminine in the course of the emancipation of the sexes in the German language. This does not only mean female emancipation, which makes linguistic equality between women and men inevitable, but also male emancipation.
I am aware that my work only makes a small contribution to the subject of sex differentiation and does not the Can represent reference work; that is not what it is intended for. But if I can give an impetus for further, more intensive investigations on this topic, then I have achieved my goal.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone who has supported me significantly with the preparations and with the work:
Ass. Prof. Doz. Günter Lipold of the University of Vienna, whose seminar provided the impetus for this and who took over her supervision and provided advice and help during the course of the investigation and the work, despite my move to Spain; Dr. Mike Scott of Liverpool University for assistance with the computer program MicroConcord Kwick; the employees of the Vienna University Library, who enabled me to complete my newspaper examination within one month (July 1993) through extended magazine stays; Marlene, who pointed out the possibility of working out my seminar paper, Michael and Nicole for their friendly support and finally my husband for the financing of the project and the moral support.
Gijón, April 1998
List of abbreviations
Figure not included in this excerpt
Initiation and procedure of the investigation
The term emancipation is a widely used word that should be used with care, because it is often used in a way that linguistically presents exactly what the term combats extra-linguistically, namely gender discrimination, in this case that of male. In this work the term emancipation however, it is understood in its broadest sense, and I therefore endorse the definition of Webster's Encyclopedic Dictionary (1989), which expresses exactly what it should mean in my opinion, "freedom from political, moral, intellectual or social restraints offensive to reason or justice"(307, Col.2). In its narrower sense and in relation to this work means emancipation simply the encroachment of women on areas of life that were previously only accessible to men in Western society and vice versa. Triggered by the industrial revolution in the 19th century and the associated necessity for women to work in the factories The women's movement gained such importance in the last 100 years that a linguistic change in German became inevitable. Primarily affected by this are job titles of the formerly only male professions, which now, since German offers the grammatical means for this, have to be transformed into feminine or terms have to be newly formed at all. As mentioned above, however, society has not only accepted a change in the areas of life of women, but also in that of men, and thus users of the German language are faced with another, far more difficult problem, namely male job titles to previously female ones create. Grammatically this is already a daring undertaking, since the norm in the German language is feminine = masculine word + feminine motive suffix, and not the other way around.
To what extent the linguistic equality of women and men has actually encroached on the everyday life of the individual speakers of the German language, which grammatical or semantic means speakers use to express the changes linguistically, and finally which tendency is emerging in the German language in favor of linguistic equality, I would like to use mine Show work.
The first theoretical part comprises a list and a precise description of the linguistic possibilities that German, compared to English, offers its speakers to distinguish between non-linguistic sex and personal designations. Due to the lack of specific literature on this subject, not to mention studies of everyday language, as mentioned above, I decided to carry out my own investigation, to describe the data obtained from it and to present the results in the second part of this thesis. In doing so, I concentrated exclusively on the German language, in particular on the Austrian standard, and chose the years 1972 to 1992 as the study period. In order to carry out an examination of everyday language without approaching the speakers themselves with questionnaires, the medium of the daily newspaper is best. I opted for two daily newspapers, which are particularly popular in the Viennese city area, but also known throughout Austria, which address completely different groups of people and thus offer me the most diverse vocabulary of everyday language possible, The press (DP) and the Kronenzeitung (Kr).
During the preparation for the examination, and also later during the examination itself, I was faced with a number of problems, the main problem being essentially time. I had to choose a number of newspapers per year of investigation that both provided sufficient linguistic material for the investigation and description and that could be technically processed by me. Furthermore, the year of investigation had to be examined regularly in order to do justice to the different vocabulary at different times of the year due to the different topics of the reports. I therefore designed a diagram (Fig. 1) to demonstrate my approach during the investigation:
Figure not included in this excerpt
Fig. 1: Distribution of newspapers over the research years 1972-1992
I randomly selected three copies of each newspaper for each research year, but, as the diagram shows, regularly in a two-month pattern, so that each month per newspaper appears at least once during the entire research period.
Each copy was examined in its entirety, with the exception of the editorial information, and, if available, divided into the following areas, which provide information about the origin of the respective designation in the code:
Figure not included in this excerpt
The code e.g. Kr5.24.2.S.31a, which accompanies every given person name, consists of the name of the newspaper (Kr = Crown), the year (5 = the fifth year of investigation, i.e. 1992), the date (24.2.), the section (S. = Sport), the side (31) and the article number (a) that was arbitrarily added by me to break the page up into individual articles. At the end of the thesis there is a list of the article headings in numerical order for each example used. Examples that do not come from the newspapers mentioned above are quoted directly in the text.
The corpus consists of five word lists, each with 4500 to 7500 names of persons, including repetitions, i.e. one word list for each year of investigation, consisting of all examples of the Crown and the Press. Words from the following areas have been included in the corpus:
1. Nouns that represent a person designation and actually refer to one or more people in the context. These are words that either definitely designate a male or female person, regardless of whether there is an equivalent in the opposite sex, or designate a person whose gender is not determined by the designation itself, e.g. the child, the darling. This does not include the designations of persons that were used for animals, plants or objects from the context, e.g. The dog is man's best friend.
2. Nouns that do not represent a person in the original sense, but were used as such in the context. If the linguistic situation was not clear, the designation was not included in the corpus, e.g. for titles of plays, films or books.
3. Adjectives used nouns, e.g. the beautiful.
4. Numerals if they designate people, e.g. The glory seven.
5. Academic and aristocratic titles, also abbreviated if they were used for people.
6. Abstract nouns that do not represent a person, but were used to avoid gender-specific person names (see Section 1.4.).
Only personal designations in free syntactic use were examined, i.e. no derivatives or compound words with personal designations, such as teaching, workers.
I carried out the examination of the newspapers with the help of a recording device by reading through the newspaper copies I had selected from the first to the last page and speaking the personal designations relevant for this work in their context on cassette. This procedure enabled me to complete the investigation within a month (July 1993), spending six hours a day reading in the magazine of the University Library in Vienna.
The next and very time-consuming step was the processing of the identified material with the computer, i.e. the typing of the texts recorded on the cassette into the computer and the creation of the word lists. The latter was made much easier for me with the help of an English colleague, Dr. Mike Scott, relieved, who gave me his computer program developed for linguistic and didactic purposes MicroConcord Kwick (Keyword in context) made available. After these preparations, almost a year later, I was able to start the real work.
The study of the English language, which is only relevant for the theoretical part of the thesis, was only carried out by me to a very limited extent due to time problems. I concentrated on feminine terms, as these occur much less frequently in English than in German, and on gender-neutral terms in the same period. I was able to use the Senate House library in London for this in July 1992. However, only copies of the Times and des Guardian to disposal. The English examples for this work were therefore mainly from Roget's International Thesaurus (1988) and taken from the English research literature.
1. Possibilities of sex differentiation in German compared to English
All Nouns the Male, or Female Gender have,
As Nature first to things the sexes gave.
In fact, since the Greek grammarians there have been numerous, more or less successful attempts to describe the relationship between natural and grammatical gender (sex and gender) and, above all, to explain the origin of the latter. Quite a few saw a close connection between language and extra-linguistic sexual characteristics, and they even went so far as to see the origin of the sexual differentiation of personal designations in language in the history of Genesis from the creation of women. The thesis of the anthropologist Karl R. Lepsius (1880) tries to establish a connection between the creation of Eve by Adam's rib and the formation of feminine personal names by a drinking rib, i.e. morpheme. Although this applies to the majority of feminine formations that arose from masculine forms through suffocation, it neglects both the possibility of the rather rare masculine movement from feminine forms as well as all syntactic and lexical possibilities for sex differentiation. Furthermore, the importance of the masculine as a marked form is underestimated. I do not want to go into more detail on earlier models of representation of the grammatical masculine as an active creator and giver and of the grammatical feminine as a mere recipient and tolerator of what is given by the masculine, namely as a metaphor of sexual intercourse and procreation, because these models also focus on the feminine Suffixation and ignore all the other linguistic possibilities for sex differentiation mentioned above.
As already briefly mentioned, language offers a number of possibilities to differentiate personal names according to the natural gender of their denotation, whereby this can take place in different areas of a linguistic system. The result is always the same, an extra-linguistic reality is to be grasped linguistically and classified in the existing linguistic system. However, what this extra-linguistic reality is does not only depend on the biological division into 'male' and 'female', but, precisely because we are dealing with people and their culture, to a large extent on the social conventions that the speakers inevitably submit.
The German and English-speaking cultures differentiate between two natural genders (sex), which go back to the biological division into 'male' and 'female', and three grammatical genders (gender), which subordinate the nouns masculine, feminine and neutral inflection classes. In English, the three genera only become singular through the personal pronouns of the third person hey, she and it represents. Generally will hey for masculine people, she for feminine people and it used for animals, plants or things. Due to the almost complete stunting of the pronominal and adjectival inflection in the New English language since Old English, which had a pleasure system very similar to today's German, and thus practically the loss of the grammatical category 'gender', there is also no formal gender designation of the nouns and none Ability to determine gender variable constituents. (Gregor, 1983). The pronominalization of a noun by a personal pronoun in the third person singular makes it clear whether it is a male or female person or an animal, a plant or a thing. As a result, a number of nouns can be pronominalized not just by one but also by two or even by all three pronouns. Gregor (1983) justifies this possibility of the English language system with the assumption that the pronouns as lexemes "with low semantic intentThe formation of new masculine and feminine terms in the course of the fight for freedom between the sexes became almost superfluous. In colloquial language, that is the language actually spoken by speakers, there are, however, some deviations, especially the position of the Animals is not well defined.
In contrast, German offers a strict three-gender system. All three genera are each represented by a separate article the, the or the, by declining adjectives and possessive pronouns after gender in free use or after an indefinite article and by pronouncing them using the personal pronouns of the third person singular he, you and it represents. However, the simple calculation applies here he = masculine, you = feminine and it = Not animal, plant or thing, because the pronouns represent the gender, which as a purely grammatical system assigns a gender to all concrete nouns (persons, plants, animals, things) and abstract nouns. And yet, in German, gender can in most cases be seen as a grammatical representative of sex.
Another complication arises from the use of the personal names in context. In fact, the gender of one or more people is not always important, and often one speaks of both genders at the same time without emphasizing one or the other. Although German and English offer a genderless gender, the neuter, it is only used to a limited extent to gender-neutralize personal designations, often when the person concerned is not yet sexually mature, e.g. the child, the baby, and not at all, to denote both sexes at the same time. A major reason for this looks Doleschal (1989) in our inability to imagine a person as genderless, i.e. even if the gender is not relevant, it is relatively difficult for us to speak of a person without thinking that he is a man or a woman. This makes it understandable why many masculine and feminine personal names, especially in areas of life in which the gender difference plays a major role, e.g. in the area of relatives and family, are lexically and not (only) grammatically differentiated in many languages, not just Indo-European :
German . Father, mother,- engl. father - mother
German . Son, daughter,- engl. son - daughter
German . Uncle aunt,- engl. uncle - aunt
Some of the few words that denote masculine and feminine persons at the same time can also be found here . parents and siblings, engl. parents and siblings.
In the course of gender equality, the speakers of the German language in particular were and are faced with three major problems:
1. How do you form feminine terms for jobs that were previously only male?
2. How do you form masculine terms for jobs that were previously only occupied by women?
3. How do you avoid explicitly highlighting one gender or the other in situations where gender is immaterial?
There are two important factors to consider when creating new names; On the one hand, the possibilities offered by the linguistic system for the formation or creation of new words, and on the other hand, the speaker himself, who chooses from these possibilities the one or those who is or are most suitable for him as a member of his society with its linguistic conventions and changes . The productivity of the sex-differentiating possibilities is discussed in Chapter 2 on the basis of the diachronic and synchronous investigation. Let us now turn to the linguistic possibilities that German and English offer their speakers and language communities. The examples found in our own study are already used here for the possibilities of the German language.
1.1 Options of the lexicon
All personal designations whose sex differentiation and thus in German in most cases gender assignment is based on the semantic meaning of the word itself belong in the domain of the lexicon. A number of gender-specific words naturally have no counterpart in the opposite sex, e.g. the Baritone player, the nurse, with masculine or feminine suffixes that assign the terms to the corresponding gender. These words designate a person who, by virtue of physical male or female characteristics, is able to carry out activities, experience emotional states and / or find himself in situations that are directly related to the semantic meaning of the word itself; a person of the opposite sex is not allowed to do so.
1.1.1 Personal designations in music
In the field of music, the singer is often named after his or her singing voice. So English means bass (Collins, 122.1) not only the deepest male singing voice, but also the singer who has this voice. The same goes for Engl. tenor (ibid, 1497,2) engl. baritones (ibid, 117, 2), engl. alto (ibid, 42,1) or engl. contralto (ibid, 326.2) and engl. soprano (ibid, 1388.2). Since the naming of the singer is based on his or her singing voice and this is different due to belonging to the male or female gender, the personal designation automatically contains the information [+ mask] or [+ fem] and there can be no equivalents for the other Gender are formed.
In German, in addition to the name of the voice, there is usually a person name derived from it - is or. - istin: bass and Bass player, baritone and Baritone, tenor and Tenor, soprano and Soprano. However, both designations can be used side by side for people, whereby the voice designation is much more common than the real person designation. During my newspaper investigation I never found the derivation - is and only four times on - is in, while the vocal designation occurs several times as a designation for the voice and the singer. An exception is made Bass player, because it can denote both the singer and the player of the double bass. Hence, under the last meaning there is also one Bass player possible and the name of the player falls under word formation.
A more detailed examination requires the designation dt. soprano. The question here is whether soprano is actually to be understood as a lexeme, or whether it is not based on a derivation from a masculine term. The voice title soprano will be in Duden (YouFr, 1982) as "highest voices of boys and women" (ibid., 714, 3), the personal designation soprano but is only used as a "soprano" (ibid., 714, 3) while Soprano (ibid., 714, 3) the "singer (mostly boy) with soprano voice" and soprano (ibid., 714, 3) again represent the "soprano singer". In the specialist literature soprano but used equally for boys and women. So writes Robert King (1991) in his essay on "Henry Purcell. Complete Church Music Works - Part 1" on the song 'Nymphs and and shepherds come away' that it "[...] was sung by the famous boy soprano Jemmy Bowen." Used in the English original King however the designation treble, the after Webster (1989) "of or for a soprano, esp. (Br.) A boy soprano" (ibid., 1051, 3). Andrew Parrott (1988) distinguishes in the text accompanying John Taverner's "Missa Gloria Tibi Trinitas" two different boy's voices, engl. treble and engl. mean. The first designates the singer with a high boy's voice and the second the singer with a low boy's voice. In the German translation of Eckhardt van den Hoogen (1988) both names are retained in the original, dt. Treble and German Mean, in which Mean rather than masculine equivalents of the Old as the Sopranos is seen.
From this ambiguous, on the one hand feminine and on the other hand masculine, use of the term soprano, to which the masculine gender is also assigned, a necessity for the formation of a masculine and from this a feminine designation can be identified, Soprano and soprano, just explain. Apparently, however, experts in the field of music do not perceive this necessity as absolute, because, as already mentioned above, is soprano used without hesitation once for a woman and another time for a boy. If you have the chance to look through a large number of compact disks, you will find that all of the designations discussed above appear more or less often.
Another name from the field of music also seems rather ambiguous, the deep female voice Old. Originally this name was used for "a high-pitched male voice" (Smart, 22, 1) is used. It was only when women were able to take on solo roles as well Old a woman's voice, albeit a deep one. Nevertheless, the high male voice was preserved, especially in baroque music, and is called very differently today. In Horst Leuchtmanns German translation of the article "A Fine Entertainment" by Donald Burrows (1988) makes the rare distinction between Old as a generic name and Old is or. Alto as a species name.
Handel often cast the aria "He shall feed his flock like a shepherd" [...] very differently: Sometimes both were sung by a soprano, sometimes by an alto, and then again he divided the numbers between the two Voices on. (30)
In the same booklet, when listing the singers on the first page, the name of the female alto voice as Old and that of the male as Altus. The male singer, roughly the female Old corresponds to, is usually also dt. Countertenor, from the English term of the same name, or Germanized (Falsetto) counter-tenor (van den Hoogen, 12) called. The modern one Counter-tenor corresponded to German in the 17th and 18th centuries. Castrato or engl. castrato, a singer emasculated in his youth and therefore singing with a boy's voice. (ibid., 387, 2).
In summary it can be said that the personal designations tenor, baritone, Bass, Treble, Mean and Counter-tenor or. Countertenor clearly designate only male persons, as well as Mezzo-soprano clearly designates only a female person. Stand on the other hand soprano and Oldthat can designate both male and female persons. The names Soprano and soprano, Old is or. Altus and Alto must therefore as movierte Formations are seen while Tenorist, Baritone player and Bass player (denoting the singer) represent lexemes.
In English, similar to German, ask countertenor, treble, mean, tenor, baritones and bass clearly male persons and mezzo-soprano or. contralto clearly represent female persons. Soprano and alto on the other hand denote male and female persons equally.
One area of life in which gender abstraction has an essential, also cultural, meaning is the area of kinship and family. People living in a community strive to divide their immediate environment, their relatives and family into male and female persons and then to name them in relation to themselves. Depending on which social order exists in this community and which priorities the individual genders have, the female or male relationship is more or less important, or both are equivalent, which has a great influence on the roles of the individual family members in the family group and their naming. In the course of time, not only the social order and thus the relationship between people living in a community changed, but naturally also the names of family members.
In German, the designation of kinship has adapted to today's cultural and social conditions, which resulted in a strong simplification of the original designations. Many names were either replaced by borrowings, dt. uncle, or newly formed by composing existing ones, dt. grandfather. Some that had become superfluous due to social changes have been lost. ohm, or experienced a change in meaning, dt. base. An essential feature of modern kinship terms in German is the complete abolition of the division into maternal and paternal kinship and thus the equal treatment of maternal and paternal kinship. The same goes for English.
The relatives of the German, English and Latin languages are compared with one another using Figures 2, 3 and 4. The latter has due to the inheritance law of Roman society, which provides for a different status for the paternal and maternal line (fur, 189), own names for the maternal and paternal relationship. This is followed by a brief discussion of all gender-specific lexemes and their origins as well as those that were lost due to the changes or had undergone a change in meaning.
Figure not included in this excerpt
While the mother's siblings and the father's siblings were referred to with different words in Latin for the reason already mentioned above, matertera and avunculus for the mother and siblings amita and patruus for the father's siblings, this distinction has become obsolete for modern German. Where the factual distinction has become meaningless, the linguistic distinction inevitably has to become too. Since the Romansh peoples no longer knew how to differentiate between maternal and paternal lines, German made do with borrowings from French to fill the vacant positions. In the 18th century were French. oncle and aunt initially adopted in French into German. So replace the uncle the Uncle 'Mother brother' and cousin 'Father Brother', and the aunt the Aunt 'Mother sister' and base 'Father Sister'. (Smart, 517, 1 and 721, 1). From modern usage are Uncle and Aunt completely gone, however cousin and base are in the meaning of today cousin or. cousin available. The base in rare cases also denotes the niece or simply a 'distant female relative'. (Smart, 62, 2).
The English name uncle has been documented since the 13th century (OED, 86, 2ff) and is from afrz.-mfrz. oncle Affects, which is a short form of Latin auunculus lit. 'little grandfather' represents (Skeat, 679, 1). The Engl. aunt is also influenced by Old French, afrz. ante, which from lat. amita is to be deduced. (Smart, 721, 1). In modern English as in modern German, Engl. uncle or German uncle refer to both relatives and unrelated persons. It is quite common for children to refer to a family friend, especially an older man, as 'uncle'. Everyone is familiar with the childlike address of a family doctor, the child's mouth from Doctor to the Uncle doctor makes. The same applies to German aunt, and it is not uncommon for complete strangers to be addressed as 'uncle' or 'aunt'. In slang is English. uncle also for 'pawnbrokers'.
Like common terms for Uncle and cousin, Aunt and base became necessary for their children too. The Latin terms consobrini 'Maternal siblings' and amitini or. patrueles 'Siblings on the father's side' are less common in German cousin and base but more often through the French borrowings cousin and cousin or. cousin summarized. In English there is no longer even a sex differentiation, here the French borrowing is sufficient cousin for both of them. In both languages, dt. Cousin or cousin or engl. cousin also distantly related people.
As Fig. 4 shows, there is obviously no need to distinguish between 'sibling son' and 'child son' in Latin, because both are used with the same word nepos designated; the sibling daughter is not named at all. In German and English, however, the originally ambiguous meaning of ig. * nepot, 'Sibling and child son', limited to the meaning of 'sibling son' alone, in which it is today in German. nephew and engl. nephew is preserved. (Smart, 500, 2). In addition, idg. * nepti ¶, originally only in the meaning of 'child's daughter', later also 'sibling daughter', today's dt. niece and engl. niece.
For the now unnamed 'children's children', German and English are looking for new names in various ways. A much-used way is to look at the relationship from the other side, as it were, and to transfer the term of relationship from the representative of the older generation to that of the younger generation by adding a diminutive to the existing term. From ahd. ano 'Ahn' is spahd. eniklin, enichlin and from it dt. grandson or fem. granddaughter. In English, as with grandfather and grandmother applied the method of composition and it emerged grandson or. granddaughter and grandchild or. grandchildren.
The formations dt. grandfather and grandmother, engl. grandfather and grandmother are attested since the 14th century and evidently influenced by the French of that time. This semantically very clear and understandable type of education was probably due to the clear gender differentiation in masculine and feminine, so quickly spread not only in German and English but also in Dutch. (Smart, 280, 1) Has been replaced in German Ahn, whereby the sex differentiation was introduced afterwards, either by derivation, mask. ancestor and fem. Resemblance, or by composition mask. Ancestor and fem. Ancestress. After the introduction of grandfather and grandmother learned Ahn an expansion of meaning, namely Ancestor, and is in this meaning, limited only to German, still preserved in the modern language. (Smart, 14, 1).
The immediate relationship, dt. father and mother, son and daughter, Brothers and sister or engl. father and mother, son and daughter, brother and sister has probably seen the fewest changes in meaning. The existence of the designations is already assumed in Indo-European in their current meaning. In addition to the biological-related meaning of these terms, there are some meanings derived from them in modern language. This is how we find dt. mother and engl. mother meaning Vinegar mother or mother of vinegar, and dt. mother also in the meaning of Screw nut, with only the latter directly on mother is due. It is based on a sexual metaphor; one imagines the uterus or the female genitalia, as is also the case when one speaks of the female and male connector. (Smart, 494f). In some dialects, mother, especially in the diminutive form, are called 'old woman'. In my variant of German, it is customary to affectionately refer to an older, delicate woman as 'Müatale'.
Has a second meaning Daughter, especially in Switzerland. Certainly influenced by the French fille called daughter also easy girl, such as in Room daughter 'Serving girl' or Daughters School 'Girls School'. (Smart, 731, 1). The English daughter can be a 'female descendant' on the one hand, and 'a female person closely associated with a certain environment' on the other hand, e.g. a daughter of the church, or 'a female person from a particular country etc.' describe. (Collins, 380, 1). In the same usage one also finds dt. daughter, German son and engl. son.
Brothers and sister can have a wide variety of meanings. Apart from the general religious understanding of Brothers and sister as children of God, both are also used as a form of address or designation for a person accepted into the order. It is common e.g. from a 'Brothers Thomas' or one 'Sister Maria 'when both belong to one order. In the same usage we also find Engl. brother and sister. sister with the meaning of Nurse is also a salutation or designation, e.g. in "Request Sister Monika." (Kr4.1.9.L.8a).
If one goes from the interpersonal relationship to an evolutionary relationship, i.e. the relationship between the existing animal species, then denotes Brothers an entire genus, as in "'Brother Ape' highly intelligent, shows abilities to recognize and think, as it was [...] exclusively ascribed to humans." (Kr4.11.5.R.20 / 21a). In this case, the close relationship between human and monkey is meant, and it would also be possible to address it as 'brother human', what Brothers makes a person name here again.
The designations of the marriage relationship had to undergo great changes in the course of time. Originally lexical terms, they are now pure compositions in both German and English. In English the formations of in-laws enforced, and in German there is only diversity left of the original In law received, and only in compositions. The German hereditary words are still sporadically available in dialect areas today; so the term exists in Swabian and Hessian In law still in its actual meaning, 'mother-in-law', and the associated masculine Inexperience 'Father in law'. (AtDS, 169, 1). Likewise, the hereditary words held themselves for 'daughter-in-law', Line, and 'son-in-law', Eidam, in remainder of central Germany. (AtDS, 169, 2). The main reasons why the old hereditary words are dying out are the simplicity and disambiguity of the compositions with In law -. The existence of the Brother-in-law, documented since Ahd., brought additional distinction problems, especially in dialects where intervowel g has become a fricative, and thus one speaks [Schwiher], [Schwaer] and [Schwaher]. (AtDS, 171, 1). There are no words for in Latin brother in law and sister in law, they have to be paraphrased, e.g. with 'brother's wife' uxor fratris or 'sister of the wife' soror uxoriswhich in German is simple but also ambiguous sister in law and in English sister-in-law called.
1.1.3 Other gender words
A large group of personal designations that express the natural gender of the intended person through the semantic meaning of the word itself form the gender words. They include the group of musical terms as well as the kinship terms (see chapters 1.1.1. And 1.1.2.) And also several smaller groups of formations of various origins and meanings or linguistic registers. Many of these formations have no counterpart in the opposite sex and if so, then the roles of the male and female are often defined differently. Feminine renovations, which differ in their meaning from the masculine, are also included here. The trainings can be divided into the following subgroups:
1. Designations of gender-specific occupations, roles or characteristics:
Some professions or social roles are only reserved for people of either the female or male sex. These are functions that are directly related to the physical female or male characteristics of the person concerned or the position assigned to them by social conventions. The gender of the designations does not necessarily have to coincide with the sex. Here, in turn, the terms can be summarized on several topics:
(1) Holders of religious roles: The terms mentioned here can only be used for the female or male gender such as Old Testament scholars (DP3.1.6.P.2a), bishop (DP2.3.1.P.2c), hermit (Kr2.12.7.AW.27a), Exorcist (Kr2.21.11.K.25a), Reverend (DP2.15.9.K.11b), imam (Kr2.21.11.P.4a), Jesuit (DP3.1.6.P.2a), Jesuit scholars (DP3.24.2.Re.3b), Jesuit Father (DP3.24.2.Re.3b), Younger (DP2.3.1.K.5f), cardinal (DP2.3.1.T.d), Karaites (DP3.11.10.K.4g), Carmelite (DP3.11.10.Ta.8b), Messiah (Kr3.5.4.S.35a), Minorite Father (DP3.11.10.Ta.8b), Monks (DP3.24.2.K.5c), Monsignor (Kr2.21.11.L.10a), nun (Kr2.21.11.K.25a), Novice, Pope (Kr2.21.11.L.10a), Father (DP2.23.5.T.e), rabbi (Kr1.2.10.P.3d), Vicar (DP3.24.2.Re.3b), Auxiliary bishop (DP2.15.9.I.4k) etc. Also the English translations are used in the same way as the German examples, e.g. now, pope, monk, bishop, novice, cardinal, vicar Etc.
(2) Bearer of military roles: These are mostly to be interpreted masculine in German, especially when it comes to historical military terms, although there are already some women in the military field today (see former GDR). A feminine renovation is therefore rarely carried out, although it is morphologically possible. Examples include admiral (DP3.1.6.Re.3b), Allies (DP3.11.10.Re.3c), Commander (DP2.15.9.P.2j), Professional soldiers (DP3.11.10.Re.3b), Brigadier (DP3.1.6.L.7a), Colonel (Kr3.5.4.K.40a), Commandante (DP3.24.2.Re.3a), Divisional officer (DP3.24.2.I.4d), Fretilin guerrillas (DP2.23.5.P.2j), general (DP2.15.9.I.4i), Lieutenant General (DP3.24.2.P.2e), Major general (DP3.24.2.Ta.12c), General Procurator (DP3.1.6.L.7a), Gladiators (DP2.15.9.K.11b), Guerrillas (DP2.15.9.P.2b), infantryman (Kr3.17.8.AW.31b), Khmer (DP3.24.2.P.2j), lieutenant (Kr2.21.11.K.12a), major (Kr3.17.8.L.9b), Naval officer (DP3.1.6.Re.3b), Military governor (Kr3.5.4.P.2 / 3d), Military (DP2.23.5.P.2j), Militiamen (DP3.11.10.Ta.8e), Colonel (Kr2.12.7.L.7c), Lieutenant colonel (DP3.11.10.Re.3b), officer (Kr2.1.3.K.18a), Order General (DP3.24.2.Re.3b), Military service (DP2.23.5.Ta.10f), rebel (Kr3.5.4.K.40a), Recruits (DP2.15.9.P.2b), Knight (Kr3.17.8.K.24a), Red Brigaders (DP3.1.6.Ta.8d), soldiers (DP2.15.9.I.4i), mercenary (Kr3.17.8.K.24a), NCOs (DP2.3.1.L.4c), Guards (Kr2.1.3.P.3a), centurion (Kr3.23.12.K.16c).
(3) Professions, roles and titles in general: In German belong to the feminine terms nurse, old maid, Brotheline, lazarine, lady, Lucky fairy (Kr1.11.2.K.18 / 19a), barmaid (Kr2.1.3.AW.26a), blonde (Kr2.21.11.AW.30a), bride (DP2.3.1.K.4h), brunette (Kr2.1.3.A.4c), Registered nurse (Kr2.12.7.L.7a), Receptionist (Kr2.21.11.K.32c), Photo models (Kr2.1.3.A.4c), Spring bride (Kr3.5.4.L.6a), Hostess (DP2.3.1.T.f), Virgin (DP2.3.1.L.10n), Nurse (Kr2.12.7.AW.25a), Koren (Kr3.23.12.AW.31a), Maids (Kr2.12.7.K.13a), Maiden (Kr2.12.7.L.6c), Mannequins (DP2.15.9.Ta.12i), matron, model (Kr2.1.3.AW.29b), muse (Kr2.21.11.K.26b), Prima donna (DuFr, 621, 2), Prima ballerina (DuFr, 621, 2), Soubrette (DP2.3.1.K.5h), Super model (Kr2.21.11.A.5a), Forest nymphs (Kr2.21.11.K.16a), woman (Kr2.12.7.K.20a), Draxl dirndls (Kr3.17.8.K.36a), People (DP3.24.2.K.5b), Muses (Kr3.23.12.L.6a), sphinx (Kr3.5.4.K.23a), maid (Kr3.17.8.AW.32a) etc. Also some foreign words are included unchanged like Miss (Kr2.12.7.L.6c), lady (DP3.1.6.Ta.8g), My lady (DP2.23.5.Ta.10c), Senoritas (Kr2.21.11.K.16a), Signora (DP2.3.1.L.10a). The following terms are masculine and cannot be converted to feminine for semantic or morphological reasons: Gunman (Kr2.1.3.L.9c), Cupid (Kr2.21.11.K.16a), barber (Kr2.21.11.K.16a), Bards (Kr3.5.4.L.10a), Bayern captain (DP2.23.5.S.6e), Bad guys (DP2.23.5.K.5g), groom (Kr2.12.7.K.16a), boy (DP2.23.5.Ta.10e), Lad (Kr2.21.11.L.6b), butler (DP2.23.5.Ta.10c), Cafetier (DP3.11.10.L.7a), Captain (DP2.3.1.L.10n), champion (Kr2.1.3.S.32g), clown (DP2.23.5.Ta.10d), Coach (DP2.23.5.S.7b), Colts (Kr2.1.3.S.35e), Commendatore (DP2.15.9.S.6c), Emcees (DP2.15.9.Ta.12i), Disc jockey (Kr3.23.12.AW.26a), Ice hockey cracks (Kr3.5.4.K.14c), Exkeeper (DP3.11.10.S.5i), Ensign (Kr3.5.4.P.3c), Flight pioneer (DP2.23.5.Ta.10b), Scoundrel (Kr2.12.7.K.20a), Councilor (DP2.15.9.I.4l), Honorary Consul (DP2.23.5.K.4l), Hoteliers (DP2.15.9.I.4b), Farrier (DP2.3.1.Re.3c), youth (DP2.15.9.K.5e), captain (DP2.15.9.S.6g), Guy (Kr2.1.3.P.4a), servant (Kr2.12.7.K.19c), consul (DP2.23.5.P.2j), Libero (DP2.15.9.S.6a), Lover (DP2.23.5.K.5g), lord (DP2.15.9.S.6h), Matador (Kr2.21.11.K.16a), Mister (Kr2.21.11.K.25a), Ombudsman (Kr2.12.7.L.8 / 9c), Referee (Kr2.21.11.S.38a), Old hand (DP2.15.9.S.6h), Rowdies (DP2.23.5.K.4k), Shah (Kr2.12.7.P.3a), Wrought (Kr2.12.7.AW.22a), rogue (DP2.23.5.K.5g), Voice man (DP2.15.9.K.5g), Stick boy (Kr2.12.7.AW.21a), Superbandit (Kr2.21.11.K.26b), Willowers (Kr2.21.11.K.13b), Boy wonder (Kr2.12.7.A.6a), Drinking buddies (Kr2.12.7.L.7d), Newspaper czar (DP2.3.1.L.10i), Brat (Kr1.2.10.Re.19a), villain (Kr1.11.2.K.26a), Boy (Kr1.26.6.K.17a), Angel (DP3.24.2.K.11g), Doye (DP1.5.4.KR.3a), hero (DP1.19.10.Re.3a), Mr, sailor (DP1.5.4.K.11d), Menestrel (Kr1.11.2.K.17A), musketeer (Kr1.2.10.K.23a), Bully (Asterix & Maestria, 35), Pasha (DP1.14.7.K.5e), patriarch, Frogman (Kr2.12.7.S.31e), Battle colossus (Kr3.17.8.K.24a), Bachelor, filmmaker (Kr3.23.12.K.20a), Folk disciples (Kr3.17.8.K.16b), Freekickers (Kr3.23.12.S.33c), Juggler (DP3.24.2.K.11f), House builder (Kr3.5.4.L.7d), Caretaker (Kr3.23.12.L.10 / 11c), Daredevil (DP3.1.6.Ta.8g), Bachelor (Kr3.17.8.A.4b), boy (DP3.11.10.K.4b), partner (Kr3.17.8.AW.26a), Rascal (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), lord (DP3.24.2.Ta.12c), Cupbearer (Kr3.17.8.K.17d), Ölschaichs (DP3.1.6.WI.6a), Primus (DP3.11.10.Re.3b), Scouts (DP3.24.2.Ta.12c), Sealord (Kr3.5.4.P.3c), sailor (DP3.1.6.L.7g), Sir (DP3.1.6.L.7g), Skipper (Kr3.23.12.A.5a), Sports warden (Kr3.23.12.S.33e), Helmsman (Kr3.5.4.K.12a), Great guy DP3.11.10.Ta.8f), Syndic (Kr3.23.12.L.13a), Gas station attendant (Kr3.17.8.AW.25b), Santa Claus (Kr3.23.12.K.17a), Workman (DP3.1.6.L.7g) etc. In some cases, movated feminine meanings differ from the masculine, e.g. Upper (a head waiter in a restaurant or café) - Matron (Head of a sick department or superior), Junior (Son) - Junior (Sportswoman).
The examples in English are also numerous, although not as clear as in German, because the lack of a grammatical gender means that both originally masculine and feminine formations, e.g. nurse, recently used for the opposite sex. Nevertheless they are clearly specified for one gender spinster fem. , Bachelor mask. , Lady fem. Lord mask., boy mask., girl fem., maid or maiden fem., guy mask., chap mask., feller mask. (Ro.420.5), lad mask., let fem., tabby fem., youngster mask., teamster mask. (all ex. Cure, 549).
2. Terms of the sex trade, sexual act or sexual innuendo:
Formations on this topic are diverse and vary greatly from region to region. Masculine are: Boys (Kr2.12.7.S.30b), Fucker (Kr3.5.4.K.23a), Casanova (DP2.23.5.K.8k), Don (Kr3.5.4.A.4b), Marriage fraud (Kr2.12.7.K.16a), Bon vivant (DP2.23.5.K.8j), novelist (DP3.24.2.K.5a), Moral thugs (DP2.23.5.K.4k), Jack of all trades (Kr2.12.7.K.20a), transvestite (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), Greyhound (Kr2.12.7.K.20a), playboy, Gay, pimp, Hermaphrodites (DP3.11.10.K.4b) etc.
Feminine are: Amazon, hooker, lesbian, Slut, Bees (Kr3.5.4.K.23a), Blondinchen (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), blonde (Kr3.23.12.AW.30a), Whore (Kr2.12.7.K.16a), Dominatrix (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), bunny (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), whore (DP3.1.6.K.4a), Playgirl (Kr3.5.4.AW.29a), Porn starlet (Kr3.23.12.A.5e), Doll, Sex bomb (Kr3.5.4.AW.29a), Ski bunny (Kr3.5.4.AW.31a), Venus (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a), Whole blood dominatrix (Kr3.17.8.AW.32a) etc.
English has the following feminine formations: whore, tart, hooker, lesbian etc. and the following masculine formations: rentboy, queen, queer, gay, fag, transvestite (all ex. Collins) Etc.
3. Swear words and other pejorative terms:
Here, too, the terms in different linguistic regions differ from one another and often cannot be reproduced in writing. Especially here the terms used for men and women have no equivalent in the opposite sex. When giving examples, I can only rely on my newspaper research and my own linguistic knowledge as a speaker of German, e.g. disgust (Kr2.1.3.K.23a) mask., Binkl (Kr3.17.8.L.10c) mask., Grimace (Kr3.23.12.AW.29a) mask. And fem., Friend (Kr3.5.4.K.24c) mask., Scoundrel (DP3.1.6.Ta.8g) mask., old witch (DP3.1.6.Ta.8g) fem., old carton fem., rogue (Kr3.23.12.P.2a) mask., Fatzke mask., Gscherter mask., douchebag mask., jerk mask., idiot mask., Bastard mask., bastard mask., bully mask., ruffian mask. Terms from the field of animals are very popular. There are no limits to the speaker's imagination, and yet it is usually clear whether the name is intended to offend a woman or a man. Examples are: Sons of dogs (DP1.19.10.K.11b) mask., beast (Kr3.17.8.AW.31a) fem., Horn ox (DP3.1.6.Ta.8g) mask., Bitch (Kr3.23.12.K.17a) fem., pig (Kr2.1.3.K.16a) mask., monster (DP3.1.6.K.4a) mask. Or fem., goose fem., stupid cow fem., monkey mask., Rhinoceros mask., cattle mask., Bastard mask., etc. Augmentative formations are very popular with swear words: Ore scoundrel, Ore pig dog, Giant idiot, Giant cattle, Murder idiot, Monkey cattle (here is monkey used as an augmentative as in Monkey heat) Etc.
In English, feminine formations are considered bitch, slut, frump, slap, termagant, virago, minx, hussy (all ex. Cure, 550), hen, biddy, skirt, broad, doll, chick, wench, tomato, dame, Jane (all ex. Ro.421.6) etc. Masculine terms apply dude, fop, ruffian (all ex. Cure, 550), bruiser, brute, hooligan, lout, rowdy, rascal (all ex. off Collins), bugger, bastard, joker, jasper, stud, bloke, cove, johnny (all ex. Ro.420.5). Compositions are also possible like son of a bitch (but not: °° daughter of a bitch !), whoremonger mask., mollycoddle mask. (Ro.421.10), goody-goody mask. (Ro.421.10), pantywaist mask. (Ro.421.10), milksop mask. (Ro.421.10), whereby these terms are already metaphorical or metonymical.
While feminine terms can have feminine or neutral gender, e.g. the woman, the girl, the mannequin, the female, but never masculine, unless the term can be used for both men and women, masculine terms may not have a neutral, but masculine and feminine gender. Feminine gender especially has formations which designate a man with feminine or effeminate traits or traits, e.g. the coward (Coward, sissy), the queen (Homosexual), the fagot (Homosexual, transvestite). On the one hand, the reason for the feminine gender could be the semantic meaning (transvestite is, however, masculine), on the other hand, the origin of the education. Craven is a development from mhd. fem. Craven, mamme 'Mother Breast' (Smart, 473, 1) and may also be used for women, but this is unlikely. Fagot can also be found in the meaning of 'squeamish person' and is probably a dialect variant or distortion from fem. aunt (Smart, 745, 1). The education Fagot is off humid (gay) and box originated, whereby box is intended as a swear word, as in education old carton, and as this to the early transfer of meaning female reproductive organ going back. (Smart, 621, 2).
1.2 Possibilities of word formation
To Lühr (1988) the most common type of word formation is the expansion of words, which creates new words. The word expansion includes the composition or the explicit derivation or derivation and the formation of prefixes. New words are formed either through combination with other words (composition) or through combination with word formation elements (derivation, prefix formation). The word formation types composition, more precisely the determinative compound, and derivation, more precisely movement, are important for the formation of gender-specific personal names.
In the explicit derivation, the first morpheme is the basis of the derivation, the second the derivative suffix. If a feminine noun is derived from a masculine person or animal designation or a masculine noun from a feminine person or animal designation with the help of a derivative suffix, this process is called motion or movement. (Lühr, 167)
The movement suffixes in German also change the grammatical gender of the term in question, so that the lexemes that contain information about male or female sex also belong to the masculine or feminine gender. (Werner, 37). From this it can be concluded that the movement process in German only takes place between the masculine and feminine gender; the neutral gender is completely excluded from this in the standard language, although, as already mentioned, gender and sex do not always match and gender-specific personal designations, i.e. personal designations that are specified for either female or male sex, are assigned to the neutral gender in a few cases , e.g. the female, the mannequin, the girl. It also becomes clear that the basic morpheme of the movied education must semantically be either male or female. Formations whose basic morphemes do not represent male or female personal or animal designations such as blonde (Kr3.23.12.AW.30a), Carmelite (DP3.11.10.Ta.8b), Typing (of tap) therefore do not belong in the field of movement but of the lexicon.
English no longer has any gender assignment of nouns, i.e. personal names contain at most an indication of the sex, the male, the female or both, or they are sexually unmarked. Personal designations are therefore automatically either masculine or feminine, i.e. through hey or she pronominalizable. Wherever both genders are meant at the same time, the term is used in the plural, e.g. parents, siblings. Names of persons that have masculine suffixes and through hey pronominalized can usually refer not only to men but always to women as well. Whether a masculine term is actually sexually marked or not can only be determined from the context. The moving process in English therefore only takes place between masculine and feminine terms and only changes the sex of the respective person designation.
22.214.171.124 The masculine innovation in German
There are very few moving masculines in German. Some masculine person and animal names have the suffix -erich educated. This suffix is made up of proper names like Friedrich, Lockpick etc. have been removed and transferred to appellative terms, e.g. Angry, Fillerich. This suffix, which triggers umlaut in all cases, is only productive for animal names, e.g. Drake, Mouse, Gander etc. Opportunities such as Bridegroom, Nunnery (Wellmann, 119) seem funny and are supposed to make the intended people look ridiculous. A neutral education is Sorcerer, but this competes with the derivation on - he, Witcherwhich is far more common.
In addition, some names of people and animals are included -he formed how widower, Anter (Wellmann, 120), Ganser (Truly, 518, 1), Deaf (Truly, 1266, 1), using the suffixes -he and - erich is regionally different for the same animal names. Although a number of masculine personal names, especially occupational names, are newly formed into existing feminine names, there are more complete new formations than movated masculines. This is how a male midwife becomes, for example Obstetrician and not °° Midhammer called, although the linguistic system would allow such an education. Masculine innovation is not productive in German.
126.96.36.199 The masculine innovation in English
If movement is very rare and uncommon in English, the few forms of feminine movement are devoted to feminine movement. The masculine renovation comes out almost empty. The only known formation is the word mask. widower from fem. widow. The derivation follows the same scheme as that in German: the feminine word is created by adding the masculine suffix - he masculine moviert. Marchand (1969) also sees the possibility of masculine movement in the formations more adult and sorcererpossibly following the feminine formations adultess and sorceress were formed, these in turn referring to the earlier masculine forms adult and sorcer go back. Whether this is really a movement is questionable, because the basis in this case is an older masculine word - he which probably became unusable, and therefore new masculine terms were created from the more common feminine formations at a later point in time due to the lack of existing formations.
As mentioned above, the movement itself is superfluous in English, since the originally masculine words can always be interpreted feminine. An education on - he like engl. teacher or baker is not automatically defined as masculine like e.g. your German translations Teacher and baker. In the introduction to the Collins German Dictionary (1991) the user is given the following information:
For all German nouns that have a natural gender, the feminine form is given next to the masculine form. Unless otherwise stated, the English form is the same for both.[...] Where the translation given for the male and the female form is the same, but it should be emphasized in the relevant context that it is a question of a man or a woman, the user of the translation 'male / female or woman or lady 'in front. (S. XVI)
Since these educations are mainly trade and professional titles, the main focus is likely to be on the activity that the person in question carries out and on the field of activity rather than on the natural gender of the person in question. In English today, a level of abstraction has been reached that enables speakers to speak of people in a professional position without thinking whether they are male or female. This is partly also possible in German, although here of course only on a semantic level. Morphologically, the Teacher or baker always remain masculine due to the gender, while such gender characteristics are missing in English and thus the way is paved for personal thinking, which combines male and female as a person regardless of gender. That this was not always the case is shown by the existence of grammatical gender in earlier levels of English. Masculine renovation is also unproductive in English.
188.8.131.52 Feminine renovation in German
Feminine innovation is very productive in the German language. This is because most personal names, such as trade and professional names and titles, are originally masculine, and the three-gender system still plays an important role in German grammar.
184.108.40.206.1 The -in derivation
According to the frequency and regularity of the educational method, the derivation is based on in the pattern that dominates the motion. To Wellmann (1975) in over 90% of all cases, movated feminines are formed with this suffix. Both personal and animal names can be created, provided that the base is a masculine name and the content page allows a feminine form. Older formations usually show umlaut as in Peasant woman, doctor, countess, cook etc. On the one hand, the umlaut is omitted if the masculine base is two-syllable with an unstressed - e - in the second syllable is like in painter, Collector, Punching machine, on the other hand in all compounds with - doere.g. milliner, and in most poorly assimilated foreign words and other young formations, e.g. baroness, Hungarian, Comrade, co-worker, Comrade.
As regular bases for - in -Derivations only act masculine on - he / -ler / -ner / -iker, - (at) or, -and / -ant / - (i) ent / -ier, -ist, - ast, -är and -eur (as far as not here - euse in place of - in occurs). Usually the feminine - in attached to the noun stem of the masculine. For masculine words with pleonastic double - he however the second - he in the course of feminine renovation by - in replaced, e.g. Hamsterer - hamsteress, sorcerer - sorceress, usurer - usurer (Haplology). Masculine too - e are obtained by replacing the terminal morpheme with - in moviert like at delivery boy - Messenger, Russian - Russian (see. Doleschal, 33).
Noun noun participles designating persons can be differentiated according to their gender using articles and inflection paradigms, e.g. the traveler, the Envoy, the Known. If the formations are lexicalized, nouns with - in result like Civil servant, Messenger, Companion.
Compositions with - man and - boy are only occasionally, compositions with - Guy not at all with - in moviert, e.g. Compatriot (Truly, 813, 2), Chairwoman (Truly, 950, 1), Rascal (Truly, 1206, 1). All masculine compositions of this type can be related to both male and female persons without any difference in meaning. Form Man (WL, 547, 1) differs in this respect from the compounds with - manwhen it is not a mere feminine equivalent of the masculine form but a female person with strongly masculine features. In this case, a part of the masculine characteristic remains in the feminine form and the formation itself can only be counted morphologically as movement.
As stylistic and regional variants, with derivatives on - in Compositions with - Mrs compete, which, in contrast to the compositions with - man, never refer to the opposite sex. However, this competition is only possible if the basic morpheme already represents a masculine person name. Without differentiation of meaning stand side by side Gypsy woman - gypsy woman, beggar woman - beggar woman, peasant woman - farmer's wife Etc. (butcher, 1982, 184). In some cases the derivation establishes - in clearly shows the job title of the female person, while the composition relates more to the wife of a man practicing the profession in question, as in Doctor - doctor's wife, preacher - preacher's wife, worker - worker wife (butcher, 1982, 184). Conversely, however, the - in -Relate the derivation to the wife as in Mayoress, doctor. This happens especially in rural areas, where it is still partly customary to move the masculine family name when talking about a woman (wife or not), e.g. the Meierin; It is not uncommon for such a moveable family name as well as partially moveable occupational or position designations to be meant disparagingly. In my variant of Austrian German, in Alemannic of the Bregenz region, which is spoken by the middle class, there is a considerable semantic difference between the Meierin and Mrs. Meier or. The mayor and the mayor's wife made. The first is in meaningless or even in pejorative use, while the second form, mostly in the form of address, expresses respect or at least politeness.
220.127.116.11.1.1 The bases of the -in derivative
The most common masculine suffix in German, which is preceded by - in can be moved is undoubtedly - he. Initial suffix for the nhd. he is that ahd.- ari (mhd. - ære), which is related to the Latin - arius covers and can therefore be regarded as a loan suffix from Latin. (Henzen, 1957, 159). The formations of such masculines are based on paraphrases with a verbal or nominal basis; in rare cases an adjectival base is also possible. The scheme looks like this:
Figure not included in this excerpt
When forming place, regional and country names - he a final extension of a plural suffix for national names and only fell afterwards with the ahd. ari Formations together. (Henzen, 1957, 163). The suffix - he initially only occurs pleonastically with derivative suffixes from Latin. Base morphemes on - a are often used with - ner connected, cf. America - American, Korea - Korean, and base morphemes on - ien and - en by - he replaced, cf. Albania - Albanians, Arabia - Arabs, Norway - Norwegian (see. Wellmann, 401). In some cases there are formations on - aner how Brazilian, Mexican, Venetians (DP1.19.10.K.5e), Sicilian (DP2.23.5.K.5h), Neapolitans (Kr4.11.5.S.40a), on - it he how Genoese and Veronese (see. Wellmann, 401). In rare cases, place, regional and country names are added to - iner how Montenegrins (Wellmann, 401). Later occurs - he also of words with a German base such as Baden, Halle, Hanoverian. (Henzen, 1957, 164). Where the country name was formed from an older peoples name, remain - he -Directions are excluded for the time being, e.g. Franks, Saxons, Russians, Slovenes. But here too the - he -Deduction slowly prevailed and in some cases there are formations on - e and - he in the same name, e.g. Genoese to Genoese, Veronese to Veronese (see. Wellmann, 401). To the - aner Formations also includes a very small group of designations that are semantically completely different:
republican (DP1.14.7.T.b): one who has a republican disposition
Puritans (Kr3.5.4.K.30a): a follower of Puritanism
These formations could have arisen through analogy formation, as well as two terms from the field of football, Admirans (Kr2.1.3.S.34c) and Austrian, analogous to the country names on - ner were formed. Have a stronger or less strong pejorative connotation, depending on the usage, place, regional and country names on - ler how hillbilly, Provincial. Designations such as Basler (DP2.15.9.S.6d), Tyrolean, Kitzbühel; this is a pure - he -Deduction, since the bases already have the - l -Morpheme include.
The emergence of the extended suffixes - (e) rer, - ler and - ner can be traced back to a fusion of the ahd. suffix - ari with preceding - r -, - l - and - n - lead back. Henzen (1957) calls suffixes created in this way also usury suffixes. In general - (e) rer, - ler - and - ner -Derivatives attributed to nouns referring to - r, - l or. - n be formed: ahd. zoubar-ari: wizard, ahd. satal-ari: Saddler, ahd. lugin-ari: liar. By analogy and very probably also because of the simplicity of pronunciation, there are then a lot of names on - ler originated from various areas: carpenter, civil rights activist, Artist, athlete and also Rapidler (DP2.15.9.S.6a), Idiot (DP3.24.2.K.11f), Old Testament scholars (DP3.1.6.P.2a), Long distance runners (DP3.1.6.S.5g) etc. Colloquial language has produced an infinite number of terms such as Rail workers, postal workers.
Popular are - ari -Derivations, especially for trade and job titles, and there are already deverbal formations, which, however, are secondary to a noun. While the possibility of denominal form of education has almost completely disappeared - are among the few new formations Originator (too urhab), owner and Fraternity members - the productivity of deverbal formations increases more and more. Some verbs can only be derived in combination, e.g. housebreaker, successor, Chief etc. others only in combination, e.g. Hungry, Beneficiaries. There are also - he -Directions "without standing properties" (Henzen, 1957, 161); i.e. the created personal designation makes little sense without the corresponding (either immediately following or mentioned earlier) addition, as in Bringer (a message) or Benefactor (of the monastery). Not least in the field of philosophy, some new, very daring personal names have emerged from nouns and verbs, such as the Nietzschean ones Zürner, shower, Amazement, Cobwebs [of the ghost], Laborers (as a counterpart to benefactor) Etc.
- ler - and - ner - Derivatives very often compete with formations on - he. There are a number of derivatives on - ler /- ner and - hewhich coexist and are used without causing a change in meaning, e.g. Scientist - scientist, Sculptor - images, with the variants on - ler or. - ner are always the younger ones. So are Carpenters, artists, villagers, summer visitors, conductors, mercenaries, plumbers and Gurtner the newer formations too Tischer, Künster, Villages, Sommerfrischer, Schaffer, Sölder etc. (Henzen, 1957, 159/60).
In the examples above, umlaut and umlaut examples appear next to each other without any apparent logic. Actually cause - ari -Derivatives no primary umlaut, but secondary umlaut; i.e. if the suffix immediately follows the stem syllable of the noun to be derived, the result is an umlaut personal name, e.g. Guard, Citizen, chandler but not Hafner. This rule also became blurred later, as umlaut forms were soon opposed to umlaut forms and this form was used once in literature, and once the other form, Robber - robber, porter - porter, Hafner - Hafner Etc. (Henzen, 1957, 162).
Formations on - iker on the one hand refer to people according to their area of activity, e.g. Lyric poet, historian, analyst, critic, on the other hand also people with an essential trait, e.g. Choleric, Skeptics, eccentric (DP2.23.5.Ta.10d), Nostalgic (DP2..15.9.K.5b), fanatic (Kr3.23.12.S.35b), cynic (Kr3.17.8.P.2a). All of these formations are denominational, but they are also made possible by their adjectives lyrical, historical, analytically, critical, choleric, skeptical etc. motivated. The formations with - iker are not of Germanic origin, but loanwords from Greek, Latin or other Romance languages.
Words that express a multiplicity, such as Avant-garde, artillery, police, reserve, cavalry etc. act as the basis for the formation of masculine personal names with the suffix - is. It should be noted here whether a movied feminine is actually possible in all cases. Are quite common Avant-garde and meanwhile too policewomanHowever, when it comes to terms from the military field, in German-speaking countries, with the exception of the former GDR, women are not recruited (as in the United States, for example) and feminine military terms are therefore not (yet) necessary.
Further - is -Derivations refer to people according to their religious, ideological or political beliefs, e.g. activist (DP1.19.10.WI.8b), chauvinist (DP1.19.10.Re.3d) Communist, Marxist, Optimist, Atheist, Buddhist Etc. There are also a number of religious personal names that do not start with - is derived e.g. Mohammedans, Lutheran, Muslim, Catholic, Protestant etc. This confirms my assumption that there is a direct connection between the noun - ism and the derivative on - is exists, i.e. the person designation was derived directly from the noun by adding the suffix - ism by the suffix - is was replaced. Accordingly, e.g. Catholic a deadjective, from Catholic, and no denominal derivative, of Catholicism, be. - is Formations compete here with formations on - ianer, one also speaks of Kantians (basement, cellar, 534), Saussurians and Whorfians (both Wellmann, 405) etc. In colloquial language are also - ianer Deductions possible with bases that represent a group, e.g. Authorities, Bundeswehrian (both Kü IV), Stockbroker (DP1.14.7.WI.8c).
The last group of - is Formations denotes people according to their area of activity. The base word represents the object, usually an accusative object, to a "doing" or "getting", e.g. Dentist (DP1.19.10.Ta.12a), druggist (DP1.19.10.Ta.12h), Economist (DP1.19.10.WI.8f), jurist (DP1.19.10.Re.3d) etc. In some cases a feminine renovation is not impossible but rather unlikely as in Warehouse clerk (Truly, 866, 3) or machinist (Truly, 810, 1), where the field of activity is still reserved for men due to the greater physical strength that this work requires.
The formation with the originally French suffix - eur or also Germanized, mainly used in the Austrian area, ör can be based on a verbal or nominal base, whereby both bases are based on a verb with the ending - ieren can be attributed, e.g. assemble, comb, hypnotize. Comparable feminine on - euse refer on the one hand to the corresponding verb, on the other hand as a movement to the masculine with - eur. (DuGr, 475)
The - eur - Derivatives often compete with formations on - he, but these occur pleonastically by simply adding them to the root of the verb, e.g. assemble - fitter - fitter, massage - masseur - massager, with formations on - ant / - ente.g. commander (DP2,3.1.L.10n) - commander, and with formations on - (at) ore.g. Inspector (DP1.19.10.K.5g) - inspector. (see. Wellmann, 355). While many of the formations are on - ier, - ant /- ent and - (at) or next to the - eur -Derivatives exist, there are a number of formations that have no equivalent to - eur to have:
Figure not included in this excerpt
There is also a small group of colloquial ad-hoc formations, which, however, have no relevance for the written language. These formations follow the object scheme:
Latrineur: one who cleans the latrine (Kü IV)
Mascheur: someone who perceives a scam [= favorable opportunity] (Kü I)
Pedalist: Cyclist (Kü IV)
Pianeur: one who plays the piano (Kü II)
The feminine renovation can, as already mentioned, either by - euse or by - in be performed. While - euse only with masculine - eur can be applied by complete replacement of it, will - in both with masculine - eure.g. Masseuse (Truly, 868, 2), as well as Germanized masculine - öre.g. Hairdresser, and up - iere.g. cashier (Truly, 729, 2) or south German / Austrian. Cashier - Cashier (Truly, 729, 2) applied. The use of the suffixes is partly strongly regional.
Like the derivation on - eur if the derivation can be - (at) or on a verbal basis. These formations follow the subject schema: (Lühr, 167)
the inspector: one who inspects
the organizer: one who organizes
the editor: one who edits
Either the subject (SS) or the object schema (OS) are followed by formations with - and / -ant, - (i) ent, -ier:
the musician: one who makes music (SS)
the Tobacconist: someone who runs / owns a tobacco shop (OS)
the PhD student: someone who is about to take the doctoral examination (Truly, 354, 2) (OS)
a Olympian: one who is on the Olympic Committee (DP1.14.7.S.7e) (SS) a hotelier: one who owns a hotel (OS)
a consumer: one who consumes (SS)
The suffix - ar is the Germanization of the French suffix - aire, e.g. in millionaire (LF, 307, 2). The derivatives follow the object schema and are rather rare:
the millionaire: one who owns millions
the shareholder: one who owns stocks
The occurrence of formations is also rather limited to - ast in the German vocabulary and the examples that occur are therefore treated as individual cases. The basic morphemes are of Latin or Greek origin:
the Chiliast: Followers of chiliasm (YouFr, 144, 1)
the Scholiast: Author of Scholien (Truly, 1139, 3)
the Enkomiast: Eulogists (Truly, 411, 1)
the Ecclesiast: Followers of ecclesiology (YouFr, 207, 3)
the Commercialist (WL, 812/3)
the High school student (WL, 812/3)
the enthusiast (WL, 812/3)
the Scholast (also scholastics) (WL, 812/3)
the Gymnast (also gymnast) (WL, 812/3)
the Dynast: ruling member of a dynasty (Truly, 595, 3)
the Fantastic (DP1.14.7.P.2a)
18.104.22.168.1.2. Excluded basic types
Doleschal (1989) shares the feminine renovation (by means of - in) into three categories of excluded basic types. The following formations are excluded as basic types from moving by means of - in:
(i)for phonological reasons
Nouns ending in vowels other than / e / e.g. Indio, Papua, Nazi
Nouns ending in / l / e.g. Dude, cripple, dude, fool
(ii)for morphological reasons
Nouns with feminine or neutral gender, e.g. Watch, fagot, fellow, woman
substantiated adjectives, e.g. (the) Rich, wise, employees
Derivatives on - ling, - erich, - iane.g. Refugee, angry, stupid
(iii)for semantic reasons
metaphorically used nouns, e.g. Fox, owl, jester
metonymically used nouns, e.g. Board of directors, assistance
idiosyncratic exceptions, e.g. Guest, scoundrel, villain
It also excludes three other classes of basic types from feminine renovation, viz non-integrated foreign words how Gourmand, Potagier, Star, Guy Etc., eocentric compounds how Tomboy, defiant, curmudgeon
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